Master Wace, His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest From the Roman De Rou

112

Seneschal, 'lieutenant du duc pour l'administration civile;' 'ce mot, dérivé de la langue Franke, signifie proprement serviteur gardien des troupeaux ou gardien de la famille, senes-skalch. C'était un office de la maison des rois franks, et, par suite de la conquête, une dignité politique de la Gaule.' Thierry, i. 270.

113

Wace generally writes Harold's name thus; we shall, however, henceforth use the usual historical spelling: as also in the case of Godwin, whom Wace calls Gwigne, and some of the Norman chronicles Gaudvin.

114

Alias Githe or Githa.

115

Ead-githa of the Saxon chronicle, who married in 1043, and died in 1075.

116

The scene of the Bayeux tapestry opens here.

117

'I cannot say how the truth may be,I but tell the tale as 'twas told to me.'

Benoit de Sainte-More sends the archbishop of Canterbury to William, at Edward's desire, to convey his intention of leaving to the duke the inheritance of the English crown.

L'arcevesque de Cantorbire,Li plus hauz hom de son empire,Out en Normendie tramis,Les anz avant, si cum je vos dis,Por afermer ce qu'il li done,Tot le reaume e la corone.

And Harold's mission is described as being expressly intended, in the following year, to confirm the same bequest:

Por estre plus certains e meres,E qu'il n'i sorsist encombrier,Resout l'ovre plus esforcier.Heraut, qui quens ert del pais,Trestot li plus poestéisQue nul des autres del reiaume,Ce lui tramist al duc Guillaume,Que del regne enterinementTot qui a la corone apentLi feist feuté jurée,Eissi cum ele ert devisée:Veut qu'il l'en face serrementEt qu'il l'en donge tenement....

118

Bosham, near Chichester; a manor which Domesday shows to have belonged to Harold's father Godwin. See Ellis, Domesday, i. 310.

119

Guy succeeded his brother Enguerran, William's brother-in-law, who was killed before Arques. Guy, after being captured at Mortemer, was, according to Ordericus Vitalis, p. 658, kept prisoner at Bayeux, and was ultimately released on homage and fealty to the duke. See our previous notes on this family, and a subsequent one on Aumale. Benoit states positively that a storm carried Harold to Ponthieu:

—trop lor fu la mer sauvage:Kar granz tempers e fort orageNe les i laissa ariver:Ainceis les covint devalerDreit en Pontif. La pristrent port,Eissi ateint e eissi mort;Mieux vousissent estre en sezile.

120

Beaurain on the Canche, arrondissement of Hesdin.

121

According to William of Poitiers, Guy himself conducted his prisoner to William at Eu. Benoit ascribes the surrender to William's threats and military preparations, for which purpose

....manda li dux ses genzSempres, a milliers e a cenz;Vers Ou chevaucha irascuzDunt Heraut ne li ert renduz.

122

The Eaulne.

123

'Tales togeder thei told, ilk on a good palfray.' Robert Brunne's Chronicle, quoted in Thierry, i. 250. Benoit de Sainte-More says of this part of the story,

Od que li Dux out jostées,Mult granz e mult desmesurées:Por aller essilier Bretons,Vers lui torcenos e felonsQui n'el deignoient sopleier,Le mena od sei osteier;Là fist de lui si grant chertéC'unc tant n'out de sa volunté,Ne fu nul leu mais tant joizQu'il cil afaires fu feniz.

124

Adela. According to Ordericus Vitalis it was Agatha, another daughter. He adds a pathetic story as to her felling in love with Harold, and dying of grief at her disappointment, and at an attempt made to consign her to a new match with the king of Gallicia. See Maseres's note, p. 103, and Mr. Amyot's dissertation in the Archæologia. The story of her attachment to Harold is rather inconsistent with the date of 1053, usually assigned to William's marriage; as his daughter would not be more than eleven years old at Harold's visit. The date, however, of the marriage is uncertain. See a note in M. Deville's volume on St. Georges de Bocherville. According to Benoit de Sainte-More, it was part of the agreement that Harold should not only have "Aeliz la proz e la sage," but with her "del regne une moitie." Nothing is said by him of any contrivance as to the relics on which the oath was administered. The oath and agreement, as narrated by him, will be found in the appendix I.

125

Ordericus Vitalis fixes the scene at Rouen, and William of Poitiers at Bonneville-sur-Touques. The latter places the event before the expedition to Brittany; which, except on Wace's authority, is not known to have occurred more than once.

126

Either from its figure or the ornaments upon it.

127

"Ki Dex li dont!" It is unnecessary to observe how variously these events have been told. In the words of William of Malmsbury, 'Lectorem premonitum velim, quod hic quasi ancipitem viam narrationis video, quia veritas factorum pendet in dubio.' The accounts of Thierry, Sir Francis Palgrave, and Depping, may be referred to as those of the latest writers. In Wace we are following the story of a Norman, as told at a Norman court: but on the whole there is little in his history that is at variance with probability, or with the best evidence on the subject. It will be observed that he does not go the full length of some of the Norman historians, in pretending that the English nation gave any formal assent to Edward's views as to the disposition of his kingdom in favour of his kinsman William.

128

According to the quotation in Thierry, i. 236, Edward's last moments were disturbed by melancholy forebodings. 'Behold,' he cried, 'the Lord hath bent his bow; the Lord hath brandished his sword, and made ready; by fire and sword will he chasten!' Benoit merely says, 'Glouriouse fin out e sainte!' The reader may usefully compare the narrative here, with the illustrative quotations from the old chroniclers, which are to be found in Thierry.

129

Benoit de Sainte-More's account is somewhat different. He in particular denies that Harold was anointed at all, or had any title but his own usurpation.

Heraut de coveitise espris,Senz autre conseil qui'n fust pris,Saisi le reigne demaneis;Parjurez e faus se fist reis,Eissi, senz icele unction,E senz cele sacration,Qu'en deit faire à rei saintementLe jor de son coronement.

In this part of his chronicle he relates an expedition by Harold against 'li Galeis' and 'reis Griffins, qui d'eus ert sire.'

——Heraut l'ocist,Sa femme Aldit saisi e prist,Qui fille ert del bon conte Algar.

130

The park of Quevilly. Henry II. built a palace there, which eventually became the priory of St. Julien; the chapel of which still subsists. An extensive forest adjoined.

131

'Damoisels,' young men of gentle birth, not yet knights.

132

WILLIAM FITZ OSBERN, lord of Breteuil (de Bretolio), in the arrondissement of Evreux. He was, by his father, the grandson of Herfast, brother of the duchess Gunnor; and, by his mother, grandson of Ralf, count of Ivry. Both father and son held the office of seneschal, these household offices being among the Normans held by the persons of highest birth and eminence. Wace says of the household of duke Richard II.:

Gentil furent li capelain,Gentil furent li escrivain,Gentil furent li cunestable,E bien poessanz e bien aidable;Gentil furent li senescal,Gentil furent li marescal,Gentil furent li buteillier,Gentil furent li despensier;Li chamberlenc e li uissierFurent tuit noble chevalier.

William became earl of Hereford, and was killed in 1070. Ordericus Vitalis 536, exclaims, 'Ubi est Guillelmus Osberni filius, Herfordensis comes, et regis vicarius, Normanniæ dapifer, et magister militum bellicosus? Hic nimirum primus et maximus oppressor Anglorum fuit, et enormem causam per temeritatem suam enutrivit, per quam multis millibus ruina miseræ mortis incubuit.' His family were soon involved in rebellion, and disappeared in England. The Osbernus episcopus—of Exeter—in Domesday, was his brother. See Ellis's Introduction to Domesday, i. 460-511.

133

Benoit's more particular account of William's messages to Harold will be found in our appendix.

134

The Estoire de Seint Ædward le rei, (a MS. in the university library at Cambridge) makes Harold's tyrannical proceedings a prominent motive for William's expedition.

135

Benoit de Sainte-More's account of William's council will be found in our appendix.

136

Vimeu.

137

As to ROGER DE MONTGOMERI, WALTER GIFFART, ODO, BISHOP OF BAYEUX, and ROBERT, COUNT OF MORTAIN—comes Moritolii—see our subsequent notes on the chiefs at the battle of Hastings.

138

ROGER DE VIEILLES, not Villers,—nor Veules, as often written, owing to incorrect translation of the latin title, de Vetulis,—son of Humfry of the same name, who is stated to have died at Preaux, 1074. Vieilles is a small commune in the canton of Beaumont, arrondissement of Bernay; where the family appears to have been established before the building the castle, which still bears the name of Roger. Roger is below, and usually, stiled DE BEAUMONT or BELLOMONT. He could not have been very old at the conquest, (if Wace is to be understood as so asserting), for he lived till thirty years after. His son Robert became earl of Leicester on the grant of Hen. I.; having been adult, and distinguished himself at Hastings, according to William of Poitiers. See our subsequent note, and Ellis's Domesday, i. 380.

139

Beaumont-le-Roger on the Rille.

140

Historians have not mentioned an uterine sister of William, called Muriel. We remarked, at p. 45, their error as to Adelidis, usually so reckoned; but who, as we have seen, was of the whole blood, and married Enguerran, count of Ponthieu; not Odo of Champagne, who, in fact, married her daughter. The mistakes hitherto prevailing as to Adelidis, render us less averse to suspect others of the same sort among the genealogists; and Wace's account of Muriel is confirmed from other sources. It would seem to have been to her, then a widow—ad Muriel sancti-monialem—sister of Odo, bishop of Bayeux—and therefore sister, or more properly half-sister of Adelidis, that the poet Serlon, the canon of Bayeux, (as to whom see Wace, ii. 235, 393) addressed his verses de captâ Bajocensium civitate. The baron here called Iwun-al-Chapel seems to be EUDO DE CAPELLO—du manteau, or capuchon—son of Turstain Halduc and Emma his wife, and subscribing himself Eudo Haldub in a charter of 1074. Mém. Ant. Norm. viii. 436. He was dapifer to duke William; although not the Eudo dapifer of Domesday, who was son of Hubert de Rie. He was the head of the house of Haie-du-Puits in the Cotentin, and undoubtedly married a Muriel, as appears by the charters of Lessay, whether she were a daughter of Herluin or not. The estates of Eudo went to his nephew, which confirms Wace's account of his having no issue. See the Lessay charters in Dugdale and Gallia Christiana, and our subsequent note on Haie.

141

Wace does not name the place of meeting of this great council. William of Malmesbury informs us that it was at Lillebonne; where the remains of the ancient castle still exist; see the roofless hall in our vignette above, at p. 101.

142

This jealousy, which from the nature of the meeting may well be called parliamentary, characterized the assemblies of the Norman estates much later. See Delafoy's Constitution du duchi de Normandie, p. 159. At the meeting in 1350, when an extraordinary supply was granted, the states stipulated expressly, and the king agreed, that no prejudicial consequences should follow; 'cette imposition ne portera préjudice aux gens du pays de Normandie, ne a leurs privileges ou chartes en aucune manière, ou temps présent ne a venir; et ne sera trait a conséquence.'

143

See in M. Le Prevost's notes to PTcrce,vol.ii. 531, the curious list from Taylor's anon. MS. (supposed to be of the age of Hen. I.) containing the proportions in which William's naval force was furnished. Fitz Osbero's number agrees with Wace's account of his promise. The same list, with some variations, (whence arising we know not) is printed in Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons; and in Littleton's History of Hen. II. vol. i. See also Ellis, Domesday, i. 227.

144

Saint Germer near Gournay. The king of France at this time was Philip, the successor of Henry, whose army was defeated at Mortemer. Philip was a minor; Baldwin the fifth, William's father-in-law, being his guardian; but not, as Sismondi says, taking any active part in the management of French affairs. Philip, however, could personally have taken no conduct of such matters.

145

Son regne laisse si assis,E a si tres feeus amis,A sa femme, la proz, la sage,Que n'el en pot venir damage.Benoit de Sainte-More.

146

Part of this passage is obscure in the original:

Li conte de Flandres requist,K'en sa busuigne a li venist,Cum od serorge et od ami.

The meaning may be that the reigning count of Flanders was requested to come to William with the latter's brother-in-law, i.e. bringing with him his, the then count's, son. But the succeeding speech of the varlet directly addresses the count as himself the brother-in-law; and most likely the sentence is elliptic, and what is meant is, that the count should come to him, and go on the expedition with him, as with a brother-in-law and friend. If this, however, be Wace's meaning, he is historically wrong; as Baldwin V. William's father-in-law, did not die till the succeeding year; and the application, therefore, must have been to him, not to the brother-in-law, afterwards Baldwin VI. Wace's account of the count's feelings and conduct is at variance with the received historical opinion, that he assisted William zealously; particularly by using his influence in restraining any opposition from the young French king his ward. According to Sismondi, however, Baldwin did not interfere in French affairs; and the course pursued by the king does not appear to have been friendly, but as hostile as the weakness attendant on a minority allowed. As to the policy of the court of Flanders, a variance in the accounts may possibly have arisen from confusion between the different counts, who succeeded each other quickly, and perhaps had opposite views: so that what is said by historians as to William's transactions with Baldwin V. may apply to a later period and another person. Though there were many adventurers from Flanders in William's service, we are not aware of any decisive proof that the count avowedly sent a force to aid the expedition in 1066. Gilbert de Gant is not heard of before 1069. He and such captains as Gherbod of Chester, Walter Flandrensis and Drogo de Bevrere may have been only volunteers, assisting for personal rewards. It may be added that Wace's account of the course pursued by France and Flanders is at any rate consistent; and it is probable, as being dictated by motives of obvious policy.

147

Or page.

148

See Wace's account of the gonfanons, devices, shields, &c. at the battle of Valdesdunes.

149

Another MS. reads 'une des denz Saint Pierre.' Benoit de Sainte-More says of the pope,

A Rome ert done Pape AlixandreJusz hoem, saintismes e verais.

See his report concerning the apostolic grant in our appendix.

150

Wace's words, of which we believe we give the meaning, are,

Asez vi homes ki la virent,Ki ainz e poiz lunges veskirent.

151

The original passage, and the parallel accounts in Benoit de Sainte-More and Gaimar, will be found in our appendix.

152

Ou est ewe, Ou est chastelKe seit sor l'ewe d'Ou mult bel.

153

AIMERI, viscount of THOUARS, the fourth of the name. ALAIN FELGAN and the other chiefs in the expedition will be more conveniently noticed hereafter. The only list which Benoit gives will be found in our appendix.

154

Benoit goes into much detail concerning William's previous arrangements with the Bretons.

155

Fol m'en revins, fol i alai,Fol i alai, fol m'en revins,Folie quis, por fol me tins.

156

Benoit de Sainte-More thus expresses himself on the subject:

Ci receveront les granz loiersQu'aveir deivent bons chevaliers;Les terres, les fieus, les honors,Plus c'unc n'orent lor anceisors;Par lor valor, par lor proeces,Auront dès or les granz richesces,Les granz tenures e les fieus.

157

The accounts differ as to the number of vessels, arising principally from a different principle of computation; some reckoning 'the small craft,' others not. Benoit de Sainte-More says,

Si out treis mile nefs au meins,De ce nos fait l'autor certains.

158

The fleet sailed on the 29th September, 1066.

159

'Wire-wire.'

160

In the Bayeux tapestry, the child will be seen at the poop, not at the prow, to which, however, he looks; he holds a trumpet. In Taylor's Anon. MS. (Littleton, i. 464) it is stated that William's own ship was called Mora, being the gift of Matilda; and the child is stated to have pointed towards England with his right forefinger, and to have held to his mouth an ivory horn with his left. According to Ordericus Vitalis, one Fitz Stephen under Hen. I. claimed to take the king in the unfortunate Blanche-Nef, because his father had carried over the conqueror. Benoit de Sainte-More's short account of the voyage, of the formation of the first fort, which he places at Pevensey, and of the progress thence to Hastings, is as follows:

D'entrer es nefs e de chargerNe sorst esmai ne destorbier,Kar l'aure venta duce e queieEissi que li mers trop n'ondeie.Enz l'anuitant furent tuit enz;Od ce que mult fu dreiz li venz,Traïstrent les veiles, si siglèrent,Au rei des ceus se comandèrentOd joie e od tens duz e belArrivent a Pevenesel.Iloc sempres desus le portFerment un chastel bel e fort.Chevalers bons des sues genzLaissa li dux assez dedenzPor tenir le deus anz garniz,Apres, ce conte li escriz,Vint a Hastinges senz demore,Ou maintenant e en poi d'oreEn r'a un autre fait fermer.Tant entendirent al ovrerQue li mur i furent si hautDe nule part ne dote assant.Là remist gardes segurainesE de lui fei porter certaines.

161

The Bayeux tapestry is considered to contradict Wace's supposed story of the ships being destroyed. Benoit says nothing of it. Is it clear that the ships are not meant to be represented in the tapestry as drawn ashore, dismantled, and in a state unfit for service? This probably was done, and it may be all that was meant to be reported. We venture to give this mitigated sense to 'despecies,' particularly as the operations in the next line of 'drawing ashore and piercing,' are hardly consistent with previous destruction. The dismantling of the ships, left under protection of the fort, when going inland, seems a prudent precaution against a surprise by Harold's fleet, as well as against any sudden fit of despair arising in the Norman army; but their destruction would have been a rash step. From such dismantling may have arisen the report of destruction, which the chronicle of Battel Abbey, MS. Cott. Dom. A. ii. improves into actual burning. It would appear that they were soon refitted, and followed William's cautious course along the coast to Dover. The Carmen de hello Hastingensi makes William rest five days at Hastings after the battle.

162

Pevensey.

163

This use of the cemeteries is again mentioned in Wace, ii. 381. 'As cimetieres tot atraient,' See also Ordericus Vit. xi. 815.

164

The time of Harold's coronation is, by our mistake, at p. 98, given as Easter, instead of 'Noël.'

165

York.

166

Pomfret. Benoit says Tosti's expedition (see appendix) was concerted with William.

167

According to William of Poitiers, he was a rich man of Norman origin, named Robert, son of Guimare, a noble lady. Benoit's account is in our appendix.

168

Wace is the only authority who gives the name of this envoy. William of Poitiers merely says he was a monk of Fécamp, without further description. The two embassies are described by him in a reversed order, and with different circumstances attending them.

169

This emulation between the brothers is also vouched by Ordericus Vitalis. Gaimar, in one MS. calls Gurth, Gerard; another MS. reads Gerd.

170

Benoit bears ample testimony to the personal qualifications of Harold:

Pros ert Heraut e virtuos,E empernanz e corajoz:N'estoveit pas en nule terreSos ciel meillor chevaler querre:Beaus esteit trop, e beaus parlers,Donierre e larges viandiers.

His mother, according to the same authority, dissuaded him from the enterprise, equally with his brother; who, besides the reasons urged in Wace, presses the army's need of repose after the late campaign.

171

In the continuation of Wace's Brut d'Angleterre, Harold's morning is differently employed; and a curious legend is given, assigning a reason for his defeat. See our appendix.

172

The spy's mistake is also told by William of Malmesbury. The Bayeux tapestry constantly represents the English with moustaches, and the Normans with none. The latter, however, soon adopted the fashion of flowing hair. In 1106, the bishop of Seez thought it necessary, in a sermon before Hen. I. to inveigh bitterly against the custom of wearing long hair and long toes, then assumed by the Normans.

173

William of Poitiers mentions only the last of these proposals, and says that it greatly alarmed Harold; on the same grounds, no doubt, as Gurth had urged, against a vassal's coming into personal conflict with one to whom he was bound in fealty, especially when ratified by an oath; notwithstanding an entirely fraudulent creation of the pledge in the first instance.

174

Benoit follows the story that Harold had planned a surprise on William's army, and had sent another force round by sea to intercept his retreat.

La nuit que li ceus fu teniègres,Soprendre quidout l'ost NormantEn la pointe del ajornant,Si qu'el champ out ses gens arméesE ses batailles devisées:Enz la mer out fait genz entrerPor ceus prendre, por ceus garderQui de la bataille fuireient,E qui as nefs revertireient.Treis cenz en i orent e plus.Dès ore ne quident que li duxLor puisse eschaper, ne seit pris,Ou en la grant bataille occis.

175

We make no attempt to translate Wace's Saxon; for which a previous examination of his original MS. not now in existence, would certainly be a necessary preliminary. The existing copies are obviously the work of French transcribers, wholly ignorant, no doubt, of the Saxon. The MS. of Duchesne is said to read, for the two first words, 'bufler' and 'welseil,' Three of the words sound at least like 'wassail,' 'drink to me,' and 'drink health' or 'half.' In the appendix to M. Raynouard's observations on Wace, some suggestions are given from high English authority; but they throw very little light upon the matter. See Jeffrey of Monmouth's story of Vortigern and Rowena. Robert de Brunne, in translating the passage, makes Rowena give this explanation of the Saxon custom: