Master Wace, His Chronicle of the Norman Conquest From the Roman De Rou

He ruled over England, and by his cunning he so thoroughly surveyed it, that there was never a hide of land in England that he wist not both who had it, and what its worth was; and he set it down in his writ380. Britland381 was under his weald, and therein he wrought castles. And he wielded Mann-cynn382 withal. Scotland he subdued by his mickle strength. Normandy was his by kin; and over the earldom that is called Mans he ruled. And if he might have lived yet two years, he had won Ireland by his worship383, and without any armament.

Truly in his time men had mickle swinking, and very many hardships. He let castles be wrought, and poor men to be sorely swinked. The king was so very stark; and he took from his subjects many marks of gold, and many hundred pounds of silver: and that he took of his people, some by right, and some by mickle unright,for little need. He had fallen into covetousness, and greediness he loved withal.

The king and the head men loved much and over much the getting in of gold and silver; and recked not how sinfully it was got, so it but came to them. He let his lands to fine as dear as he dearest might. Then came some and bade more than the first had given; and the king let it to him that bade more. Then came a third, and bade yet more; and the king let it to the man who bade the most. Nor did he reck how sinfully his reeves got money of poor men, or how unlawfully they did. But the more men talked of right law, the more they did against law.

He set many deer-friths; and he made laws there-with, that whosoever should slay hart or hind, him man should blind. And as he forbade the384 harts, so eke did he the boars. He loved the high deer as much as if he were their father. Eke he set as to the hares, that they should go free. His rich men bemoaned it, and the poor men murmured, but he was so firm that he recked not the hatred of them all; and they must withal follow the king's will, if they would live, or have lands or goods, or his favour.

Wa-la-wa! that any man should be so moody, so to upheave himself, and think himself above all other men! May almighty God have mild-heartedness on his soul, and give him forgiveness of his sins!

These things we have written of him, both good and evil, that men may choose the good after their goodness; and withal flee from evil, and go on the way that leadeth us to Heaven's kingdom.

APPENDIX

OF ADDITIONAL NOTES AND CORRECTIONS

PAGE 14. The position of Folpendant is shown on ancient maps, north of Harcourt. It is certainly a little removed from the river, the Orne; but Wace's phrase does not necessarily imply immediate contact. He probably meant that they crossed the river about, or near, or opposite Folpendant.

PAGE 44. Town of Arches, in line 13, should be Tower.

PAGE 60. The translation is not precisely correct as to the causes of loss and of the rupture of the bridge at Varavile; instead of the water, (in the last line,) read the sea or tide.

PAGE 71. A century before the revival and enrichment of the abbey of Westminster by Edward, its church was rich enough to boast an organ, that required seventy strong men to keep its twenty-six bellows in action. The following description of this unwieldy machine is quoted (from Ducange) in the Mém. des Antiq. Norm. vol. i. 673, from a latin poem of Wolstan, a monk of Westminster.

Bisseni supra sociantur in ordine folles,

Inferiusque jacent quatuor atque decem:Quos agitant validi septuaginta viri,Brachia versantes, multo et sudore madentes.Certatimque suos quisque movet socios,Viribus ut totis impellant flamina sursum,Et rugiat pleno capsa referta sinu,Sola quadragintas quæ sustinet ordine musas.

PAGE 79. The LIVRE here seems to mean the pound weight of silver.

PAGE 83. Benoit de Sainte-More's account of Harold's oath and agreement with duke William:

Si josta li dux son concile,Ce sui lisant, à Bone vile.Là fu li serremenz jurez,Que Heraut meisme a devisez,Que tant cum Ewart vivreit maisLe regne li tendreit en pais,Selon sa force, au suen poeir,Senz fausser et senz déceveir;E après qu'il sereit feniz,Ci que del regne fust saisiz,li tendreit vers toz homes nezDe ci qu'il i fust coronez;E dès ceu jor en avantL'en sera mais partot aidant;Douvre, la tor e le chastel,Si fort cum il est e si bel,Baillera sempres bien garnizE de vitaille replenizA ceus des suens qui lui plaira,Qu'il à garder i trametra;E s'aillors vout chasteaus fermerDesus le rivage de mer,Despense e vivre e estoveir,Trovera tot de son aveir.Eissi sor tot le saintuaireQu'on li vout aporter ne traireJura de sa main à tenir,Senz rien fausser e senz guenchir.E li dux, por lui mieuz aveirSenz fausser e senz déceveirE senz muer vers lui corage,Aeliz la proz e la sage.Sa fille, li ottreie e done,Quant saisiz ert de la corone,E del regne une meitié.Mult en vout cil baisier le pié.Iteux furent lor covenanz.

PAGE 98. For Easter should be read Noël (Christmas). Benoit de Sainte-More's account of the messages between Harold and William is as follows:

A Heraut tramist ses messages,Vaillanz e bien apris e sages;Si li manda qu'il aveit fait,Kar ce li ert dit e retraitQue la corone aveit saisie;Mais ne féist teu félonie,Car tote genz saveit assezCum li regnes li ert donez.Il meesmes tot premerainLi asséura de sa main.Ne se parjurt ne se desleit;Mais rende-li, si cum il deit,L'onor, le regne e la coroneQue dreitore e raison li done;Kar sache bien, si n'en dot mie,Tant cum li seit eu cors la vie,N'aura repos mais ne séjorCi que saisiz seit del honor.Icist messages li fu faizE diz e contez e retraiz;Mais mult li respondi petitFors orguil, contraire e despit;Ainz ceus qui od lui se tenissentE voluntiers li recoillissent,Coveneit doner séurtancesE fers ostages e tenances.

PAGE 101. Benoit de Sainte-More's account of the council of Norman barons:

Cel ovraigne fist à saveirA ses évesques hauz letrez,E à ses chers barons privez,Que li furent ami feeil,E que il sout de haut conseil.Roberz, li quens de Moretoin,Qui unt de malveisté n'out soing,Sis bons frères verais e cerz,E li quens d'Ou, li proz Roberz,Li quens d'Evereus, li sachanz,Richarz li proz e li vaillanz,E de Beaumunt li quens Rogers,Qui mult ert saives chevaliers,E Roger de Mungumeri,N'est dreiz que lui vos en obli,E Guillaume le fiz Osber,Qui puis li out maint grant mester,E Huges, li vesquens, li proz.Icist, si cum je's vos nom toz,Li conseillièrent e loèrent,E tuit enfin s'i accordèrent,Que il féist Heraut requerreDe la corone e de la terre,Saveir e aprendre e oïrCum il s'en voudra contenir;E, son ce qu'il en respondra,Solom ice se contendra;Ses messages tost li trameteE tant dementres s'entremeteDe faire assembler la navieDe par trestote Normendie;Semunge veisins e amisE ceus qui à lui sunt sozmis,Que teus apareiz e si granzNe fu jostez mais par Normanz,N'ovre el siècle si envaïeQue ci seit lor morz ou lor vie.

PAGE 115. Benoit de Sainte-More's account of the apostolic grant to duke William:

L'apostoile se fist mult liezDunt si s'esteit humiliez;Apostolial ottreiance,Son le poeir de sa puissance,L'en comanda e vout e distE par ses lettres li escristQue del conquerre ne se feigne;Od tot li tramist une enseigneDe saint Père, por demostrerQu'à ce li volent ajuer.Autorité sera e feizQue c'est sa corone e sis dreizQu'il vout conquerre: si'n aurontTuit cil qui oue lui serontPartot mult maire séurtanceQue ne lor vienge meschaance.

PAGE 115. The parallel accounts of the comet in Wace, Benoit, and Gaimar, are as follow:

WACE.

El terme ke ço estre dutUne esteile grant apparut,E quatorze jors resplendi.Od très lons rais deverz midi;Tele esteile soit l'en veirQuant novel rei deit regne aveir.Asez vi homes ki la virent,Ki ainz e poiz lunges veskirent:Comete la deit apelerKi des esteiles volt parler.

BENOIT.

Dunc en ces jorz si faitementAparut sus el firmament,Une clartez e un planète.Une resplendisanz comète,Dunt en eisseient trei grant rai.Ce lis e truis e vei e saiQue quinze nuiz durèrent bien.Si distrent astrenomienQue c'ert de regnes muemenzOu de reis ou de hautes genz.

GAIMAR.

Après lur mort une comète,Une estoille, dont li prophèteEt li bon astronomien,Sievent q'espeant mal ou bien,Se démustra el firmament;Assez la virent meinte gentLa nuit de Letanie majourFist tel clarté cum se fust jour.Moult plusours homes l'esgardèrent:Chascuns disoit sa divinaille;Mès tost seurent la grant contraille,E la grant tribulacionQe prius avint à la région.

PAGE 118. Benoit's account of leaders particularly distinguished at Hastings:

A cel estor, à cel content,Dunt ci vos di e dunt je vos cont,Robert fiz Roger de BeaumuntVos di qui fu teus chevaliers,Si proz, si hardiz e si fiersE si aidanz que ceste istoireMe fait de lui mult grant mémoire.Mult redélivrent forz les placesIl e ses genz quens Eustaces.Si n'a durée acer ne fer.Vers Guillaume le fiz Osber,Qu'Engleis ateigne si garnizDe la mort ne puisse estre fiz.Chevaliers i est forz e dursE sage e sofranz e séurs;E li bons visquens de ToarzN'i est ne mauvais ne coarz,Qui ert apelé Eimeris;Mult i reçut le jor grant pris.Gauter Gifart, savum de veir,Qui out le jor grant estoveir,Qu'abatuz fu de son destrierEissi que cinc cenz chevalierDes lor l'aveient jà outré,Toz ert li secors oublié,Quant li bons dux de NormendieOd l'espée d'acer forbieL'ala secorre e délivrerE faire sempres remonter.En si fait lieu n'iert mais retraitQue tel esforz cum ceu seit faitPar un prince qui au munt vive.Nus ne content ne nus n'estriveQue le pris n'en fust suens le jorDe la bataille e del estor;Poi out de mort crieme e regartA rescorre Gauter Gifart.N'en i r'out gaires de plus buensQui fu le jor Hues li quens,E Guillaume cil de WarenneR'ida à conquerra le regneCum buens chevalers e hardiz.

PAGE 119. The wonders of the forest of Brecheliant may be found in the extracts from the Chevalier au Lion, and the Roman de Brun de la Montagne, printed in M. le Roux de Lincy's Livre des Legendes, vol. i. page 225 and 260.

PAGE 135. Benoit's account of the commencement of Tosti's expedition:

Un frère aveit Heraut puisnez,Qui Tostis esteit apelez.Ne trais pas bien apertementPor qu'il erent si malement.Au duc s'en ert Tostis venu,Qui mult l'aveit gent recéuE chers tenuz e honorezE ses riches aveirs donez.Chevaliers ert e bons vassaus,Prozdom e entiers e leiaus;Merveilles out grant desierD'aler son frère guerreier,De tolir chasteaus e citez;Kar trop s'ert vers lui maumenez,Mult volentiers e bonement,Od le haut conseil de sa gent,Li quist li dux tot estoveir,Nefs, gens, armes à son voleir.Eissi corut à grant esforzVers Engleterre dreit as porz.

PAGE 136. Benoit's account of the private advice given to William from England:

Un produem riche e assazezQui de Normendie esteit nez,Mais en cele terre maneit,Où richement se conteneit;Certainement, de veir, senz faille,Sout cum il ert de la batailleOù Heraut out son frère occis.Un mult séur messages a pris,Si'l tramist au duc erraument.A desséu de tote gent,Dist-li qu'il ert e dunt veneitE qui à lui le trameteit;Après li a l'ovre contéeQue sis sire li out mandée,Coment Heraut s'ert combatuzQui ceus de Norwège out vencuz,E ocis son frère e le reiE ceus qu'il amena od sei,Où plus aveit de vint milliers.De là retorne forz e fiers,Od plus a de cent mile armez.Od poples teus ne fu jostez."De tei trover unt teu desirJà n'i cuident à tens venir.Gart, pren conseil, ne t'asséure,Kar périllose est l'ovre e dure.Tant as éu honor e pris,Gar qu'or ne seies entrepris,Ne de haster pas de combatreDe metre ta gent ne d'embatreEn leu par trop fol ovre enpriseOù ele seit morte e occise,Ne tu abaissiez ne périz.""Amis, fait li dux, granz mercizBien fist ton seignor del manderE bien en fait à mercier;Mais tant li di que je li mant.Qui damne-Deu trait à garant,Qui il conduit e tient e maine,Qui juste cause a dreite e saine,En liu d'aveir, honor e gloire,Valor e puissance e victoire,Deit bien aveir, s'en lui a fei.Tot eissi le quit-je de mei,Kar j'ai dreit e mun dreit demantE lui trai partot à garant.Si'l conquerra; kar contre luiN'a nus ne force ne refui,Valor, défense ne poeir.Or seit del tot au suen voleir.

PAGE 145. The following is the legend referred to in the note, as contained in the continuation of Wace's Brut d'Angleterre, as to Harold's employment on the morning of the battle. The proper version, however, of the story ought obviously to lay the scene at Waltham, and consequently at an earlier date. It is so told, in fact, in the Waltham legends,—Cott. MSS. Jul. D. vi. and Harleian, No. 3776.

Li rois, ki mult fu travaille,La nuit se est reposé;Par matin se est levé,Sa messe oïr est alé,Assez près à un mosterSon chapelain fist chanter.Quant li prestres out sacréE la PATER NOSTER chanté,Este-vus ke vient la crié:"Le dux sur nus vient armé!"Li rois, ki oï la crié,Durement estoit affraé;De la messe tan tost se mist,As armes corut sanz respit.Si le AGNUS DEI eust atenduE la PAIS eust recéu,Par pais eust la terre tenu,U par bataille le dux vencu.Quant il issit del moster,La croiz, ke fu fait de père,Après le rois ad enclinéC'onques puis la teste levé.Ki ke volt ceo saver,A Walteham, ultre le halt auter,Meimes eel croiz purra troverE roi Haraud gisant en quer.

PAGE 177. As to the English standard see below, additional note to p. 252.

PAGE 191. Benoit's account of Taillefer's exploits:

Uns Taillefer, ce dit l'escriz,I aveit mult grant pris conquis;Mais il i fu morz e occis.Tant esteit grant sis hardemenzQu'en mi les presses de lor genzSe colout autresi séurCume s'il i fust clos de mur;E puis qu'il out plaies mortex,Puis i fu-il si proz e teusQue chevalier de nul parageN'i fist le jor d'eus teu damage.

Gaimar's version of the story is as follows:

Quant les escheles furent rengéesEt de férir appareillées,Mult i out genz d'ambes dous parz;De hardement semblent léoparz.Un des François donc se hasta,Devant les autres chevaucha.Talifer ert cil appellez,Juglère hardi estait assez;Armes avoit et bon cheval,Si ert hardiz et noble vassal.Devant les autres cil se mist,Devant Englois merveilles fist;Sa lance prist par le tuetSi com ceo fust un bastonet,Encontremont halt l'engettaEt par le fer receue l'a..Iij. fois issi getta sa lance,La quarte foiz puis s'avance,Entre les Englois la launça,Par mi le cors un en navera,Puis trest s'espée, arère vint,Et getta l'espée qu'il tint,Encontremont haut le receit.L'un dit al autre, qi ceo veit,Qe ceo estoit enchantement.Cil se fiert devant la gentQuant .iij. foiz out getté l'espée.Le cheval ad la goule baée,Vers les Englois vint eslessé.Auquanz quident estre mangéPur le cheval q'issi baout.Li jugléour enprès venout,Del espée fiert un Engleis,Le poign li fet voler maneis;Un autre férit tant cum il pout,Mau guerdon le jour en out;Car li Englois de totes parzLi launcent gavelocs et darz,Si l'occistrent et son destrer:Mar demanda le coup primer.

PAGE 210. Greater authority should, perhaps, be assigned to the Bec record, from the fact that the author of part of it was one of the family, namely, Milo Crespin, cantor Becci, probably before 1150.

PAGE 211. The pedigree of the Roumares, and their illustrious connections, is now fully elucidated, in correction of Dugdale, &c. by Mr. Stapleton, in Bowles's History of Lacock Abbey. Wace lived in the time of all three of the Williams. The second died in 1152, before his father the earl, who made a pilgrimage to St. James. Both Roger (or more properly Robert) and his father Gerold the dapifer, were living at the conquest. Robert is the Robertus filius Giroldi of Domesday, then possessor of Corfe Castle.

PAGE 213. In the Adas to vol. viii. of Mémoires des Antiquaires Norm. there are two seals of Fulks D'Aunou, from charters to the abbey of Gouffern. In the first, of the twelfth century, the name is written FULCONIS DE ALNUIO; in the second, of the thirteenth century, it stands FULCONIS DÑI DE ALNETO, MILITIS.

PAGE 213. See the descent of Tancarville, in common with that of Roumare, elucidated by Mr. Stapleton's evidence in Bowles's Hist. of Lacock Abbey, p. 69.

PAGE 221—236. See considerable information as to the family of VITRÉ in the Hist. of Lacock, p. 264.

PAGE 222. The Epinay here referred to must clearly be Epinay-Tesson, arrondissement of Bayeux. Our reference to Hardy's Rot. Norm, should be to p. 16, as quoted before at p. 208.

PAGE 227. As to Brix and Bruis, see further Mr. Stapleton, in Bowles's Hist. of Lacock Abbey, p. 76.

PAGE 231. Robert de Oilgi and Roger de Ivri furnish an instance of the sworn brotherhood in arms, which occurs among the early Normans; see Introd. Domesday, i. 458. Eudo filius Spirewic, the ancestor of the Tateshalls, is another well known example. He fraternized with Pinco; and they received a joint reward, comprising the barony of Tateshall in Lincolnshire.

PAGE 232. The families holding Sap and Gloz figure repeatedly in Orderic. Vital. who was their neighbour at St. Evroult. William de Gloz, the dapifer, is an important person in Orderic's strange story (lib. viii. 695.) of the monk who saw the ghosts of the evil doers suffering their penances.

PAGE 234. For Werlene, read Werlenc.

PAGE 237. In the sixth line of the notes Dunfront should be Domfront; and in the ninth line for and, read who.

PAGE 244. See the quotation above, in this appendix, in reference to page 118.

PAGE 252. The Bayeux Tapestry exhibits,—both as borne aloft near Harold and also as lying by his feet,—a curious sort of ensign, standard, or military ornament, apparently representing a DRAGON. The CROSS generally appears on its Norman gonfanons. It may be here noticed that Wace, vol. i. p. 201, mentions that the gonfanon borne by the baron appointed to lead the Normans in 945 under Richard I. was 'vermeille d'Espagne.'

PAGE 254. Benoit's account of the result of the battle:

Ainz que partist icil tooilz,Fu reis Heraut morz abatuz,Par mi les deus costez féruzDe treis granz lances acérées,E par le chef de dous espéesQui entrèrent jusqu'as oreillesQue les plantes en out vermeilles.

In L'Estoire de Seint Edward we only find,

Li rois féruz en l'oil d'unt dartChet e tost est défulez,Périz, ocist e adirez;E sun estandart abatuz,E li ostz d'Engleiz vencus;E murut i quens Gruith si frère,E quens Leuwine.

PAGE 258. Benoit's account of Harold's interment:

Li reis Heraut fu séveliz;E si me retrait li escrizQue sa mère por lui aveirVout au due doner grant aveir;Mais n'en vout unques dener prendreNe por riens nule le cors rendre;Mais à un Guillaume Malet,Qui n'ert tosel pas ne vaslet,Mais chevaliers dura e vaillanz.Icist l'en fu taut depreianzQu'il li dona à enfoïrLà où li vendreit à plaisir.

The continuer of Wace's Brut says:

Ki ke volt ceo saverA Walteham, ultra le haut auter,Meimes cel croiz purra trover,E roi Harau gisant en quer;

and afterwards,

Heraud a Walteham fu portéIlokes gist enterré.Ilokes gist enterré.

The following is the account in L'Estoire de Seint Ædward le rei:

Le cors le roi Haraud unt quisE truvé entre les ocis;E pur ço ke il rois esteit,Granté est k'enterrez seit.Par la prière sa mère,Porté fu le cors en bère,A Wautham est mis en carcu;Kar de la maisun fundur fu.

The life of Harold in the Harl. MSS. 3776, will, we believe, be given in the Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, now publishing at Rouen. It is a very interesting story; though, as to the tale it records of Harold's escape, we may say with Knyghton, 'de istâ opinione fiat qualiter poterit.' It may be worth while to quote the following summary of that part of the legend which relates to this subject. "Harold was thought by his companions to be mortally wounded, and was, to all appearance, dead; but when the field of battle was examined, by some women searching for their friends, it was discovered that life still lingered in the body. By the care of two English franklins he was removed to Winchester, where his wounds were healed by the surgical skill of a certain cunning woman of oriental extraction; and, during two long years, he remained in concealment in an obscure dwelling. With the return of his wonted strength of body and energy of mind, a melancholy spectacle presented itself to him. He saw his kingdom under the dominion of a foreign enemy; he noticed the firmness with which the policy and courage of William had established him on the throne; and he every where marked the wide-spreading ramifications of the feudal system; attaching, by military tenure and self-interest, a sturdy Norman holder to each rood of subjugated England. His nobles were now petty franklins; his subjects were hereditary bondsmen. They had lost much of that independence of spirit which is born and dies with liberty; and they were contented hewers of wood, and drawers of water, for their new masters. They had made no effort to throw off the yoke which had been placed on their necks; town after town, and county after county, had submitted without opposition; and William, the conqueror of England, was now its crowned and acknowledged sovereign. Harold saw that foreign assistance was necessary, ere he could hope to redeem his country from the bondage of the invaders. His first attempt was to obtain aid from Saxony: in this he was unsuccessful. Thence he proceeded to Denmark, but found that a mission from William had secured the good graces, or, at least, the neutrality of that kingdom. The bitter disappointment originating in this ruin of his hopes was succeeded by another feeling; he recognised, in these baffled attempts, the workings of a superior power, admonishing him to abandon all idea of a restoration to the throne of England. New ideas and feelings awoke in his heart; his dreams of ambition and revenge were succeeded by humiliation and penance; he threw the helmet from his brow, and the mail from his breast, and went, a barefooted pilgrim, to the land of Palestine. During many years spent in this pious occupation, he subjected himself to the greatest privations and austerities. Warned by the approaching weakness of old age that his dissolution was at hand, he yielded to the desire which now haunted him of dying in the island which gave him birth. He landed at Dover; he climbed the lofty cliff; and again he saw the land which was once his own. Our legend does not expatiate upon the feelings which must have swelled within his breast as he gazed: we are told, however, that they were checked and subdued by the pre-dominating influence of religion, which had taught him to understand the relative happiness of his former and his present condition. Having assumed the name of Christian, and concealed his scarred features beneath a cowl, he journeyed through Kent, and arrived at a secluded spot in Shropshire, which the legend names Ceswrthin. Here he constructed himself a cell, in which he remained ten years; but at length he was compelled to seek some other abode; 'not,' says the legend, 'because he shrank from enduring the annoyances to which the Welsh frequently exposed him by beating him and stealing his clothes, but because he wished to devote the remainder of his existence to undisturbed meditation and prayer.' He left this cell without any definite idea as to his future residence; but having wandered to Chester, he there received a supernatural intimation that he would find a dwelling prepared for him in the chapel of St. James, within the churchyard of St. John the Baptist, situated upon the banks of the river Dee, a little beyond the walls of that city. Upon arriving at the spot thus pointed out, he found that a hermit, the late tenant of the cell, had recently expired, and he gladly took possession of the new residence thus provided for him. During the space of seven years which he spent in Chester, circumstances occurred which originated and gradually strengthened into certainty the suspicion that this recluse was a Saxon chief of former importance, if not Harold himself. When questioned as to his name and origin, he returned evasive answers, but never a direct negative to those who asserted that he was once the king of England. He admitted that he had been present at the battle of Hastings; and that no one was nearer or dearer to Harold the king than was Christian the hermit. But the approach of death revealed the secret, and converted doubt into certainty; for he acknowledged in his last confession that he was indeed the last Saxon king of England."