Life of Napoleon Bonaparte. Volume V

205

Las Cases, tom. i., p. 92.

206

Las Cases, tom. i., p. 241.

207

"Before Napoleon stepped into the boat, he sent for the captain of the Northumberland and took leave of him, desiring him, at the same time, to convey his thanks to the officers and crew." – Las Cases, tom. i., p. 243.

208

See the Edinburgh Annual Register for 1815.

209

Mr. Abercrombie's motion respecting the escape of Buonaparte from Elba. —Parl. Debates, vol. xxx., p. 716.

210

This, to be sure, according to Las Cases, was only in order to carry through those great schemes of establishing the peace, the honour, and the union of the country. He had hoped to the last, it seems, in the critical moment, "That, at the sight of the public danger, the eyes of the people of France would be opened; that they would return to him, and enable him to save the country of France. It was this which made him prolong the time at Malmaison; it was this which induced him to tarry yet longer at Rochefort. If he is now at St. Helena, he owes it to that sentiment. It is a train of thought from which he could never be separated. Yet more lately, when there was no other resource than to accept the hospitality of the Bellerophon, perhaps it was not without a species of satisfaction that he found himself irresistibly drawn on by the course of events towards England, since being there was being near France. He knew well that he would not be free, but he hoped to make his opinion heard; and then how many chances would open themselves to the new direction which he wished to inspire." —Journal, tom. i., p. 334. We cannot understand the meaning of this, unless it implies that Napoleon, while retiring into England, on condition of abstaining from politics, entertained hopes of regaining his ascendency in French affairs, by and through the influence which he expected to exercise over those of Britain. – S.

211

See Appendix, No. III.

212

Extract of a despatch from Earl Bathurst, addressed to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, dated 30th July 1815.

213

Voice, &c., vol. i., p. 14.

214

"Briars, Oct. 28-31. We had nearly arrived at the end of the campaign of Italy. The Emperor, however, did not yet find that he had sufficient occupation. Employment was his only resource, and the interest which his first dictations had assumed furnished an additional motive for proceeding with them. The campaign of Egypt was now about to be commenced. The Emperor had frequently talked of employing the grand mareschal on this subject. I suggested, that he should set us all to work at the same time, and proceed at once with the campaigns of Italy and Egypt – the history of the Consulate – the return from Elba, &c. The idea pleased the Emperor; and, from that time, one or two of his suite came regularly every day to write by his dictations, the transcript of which they brought to him next morning." – Las Cases, tom. i., p. 286.

215

The suite of apartments, destined for his own peculiar use, consisted of a saloon, an eating-room, a library, a small study, and a sleeping apartment. This was a strange contrast with the palaces which Napoleon had lately inhabited; but it was preferable, in the same proportion, to the Tower of the Temple, and the dungeons of Vincennes. – S.

216

"Every island is a prison,Strongly guarded by the sea;Kings and princes, for that reason,Prisoners are, as well as we."Ritson's Songs, vol. ii., p. 105.

217

Voice from St. Helena, vol. i., p. 21.

218

Voice from St. Helena, vol. i., p. 22.

219

Et tragicus plerumque dolet sermone pedestri.Telephus et Peleus, cum pauper et exul uterque,Projicit ampullas et sesquipedalia verba.Hor. Ars Poetica."Princes will sometimes mourn their lot in prose.Peleus and Telephus, broke down by woes,In indigence and exile forced to roam,Leave sounding phrase, and long-tail'd words, at home." – S.

220

Parl. Debates, vol. xxx., p. 377.

221

"In default of America, I prefer England to any other country. I shall take the name of Colonel Meuron, or of Duroc." —Instructions to Gourgaud, July 13, 1815; Savary, tom. iv., p. 162.

222

Parl. Debates, vol. xxxiii., p. 213.

223

Parl. Debates, vol. xxxiii., p. 235.

224

"Je le répète, il peut s'évader seul, et aller en Amérique quand il le voudra." Taken from a report of Baron Sturmer to Prince Metternich, giving an account of General Gourgaud's communications, dated 14th March, 1818. – S.

225

"Je ne puis plus vivre en particulier. J'aime mieux être prisonnier ici, que abre aux Etats Unis." – S.

226

Warden's Letters from St. Helena.

227

Voice from St. Helena, &c.

228

Appeal to the British Nation, &c. By M. Santini, Porter of the Emperor's closet.

229

Official Memoir, dictated by Napoleon; being a Letter from Count de Montholon to Sir Hudson Lowe.

230

Manuscrit venu de St. Hélène d'une manière inconnue, &c.

231

"Santini has published a brochure full of trash. There are some truths in it; but every thing is exaggerated." – Napoleon, Voice, &c., vol. ii., p. 76.

232

Vol. xxviii., p. 227.

233

Sir Hudson Lowe writes, for example, to Lord Bathurst, 13th May, 1816: – "Having found Dr. O'Meara, who was attached to Buonaparte's family on the removal of his French physician, very useful in giving information in many instances, and as, if removed, it might be difficult to find another person who might be equally agreeable to General Buonaparte, I have deemed it advisable to suffer him to remain in the family on the same footing as before my arrival." On the 29th of March, 1817, Sir Hudson writes: – "Dr. O'Meara had informed me of the conversations that had occurred, and, with that readiness which he always manifests upon such occasions, immediately wrote them down for me." – S.

234

"A catastrophe seemed inevitable. Napoleon indeed concluded that there was a determination to bring it about. On the 6th of May, he sent for O'Meara, in order that he might learn his personal position. He desired me to express to him in English, that he had hitherto no cause of complaint against him. It was necessary, he said, to come to an understanding. Was he to consider him as his own physician personally, or merely as a prison doctor, appointed by the English Government? Was he his confessor or his inspector? Had he made reports respecting him, or was it his intention to do so if called upon. The doctor replied with great firmness, and in a tone of feeling. He said he had made no report respecting the Emperor, and that he could not imagine any instance in which he might be induced to make a report, except in case of serious illness." – Las Cases, tom. i., p. 211.

235

Last Days of the Emperor Napoleon, vol. i., p. 60.

236

Last Days of the Emperor Napoleon, vol. ii., p. 185.

237

Las Cases, tom. ii., p. 89.

238

Las Cases, tom. ii., p. 115-120.

239

Hist. de la Campagne de 1814 par Alphonse de Beauchamp.

240

"It appears that this governor was with Blucher, and is the writer of some official letters to your government, descriptive of part of the operations of 1814. I pointed them out to him, and asked him, 'Est-ce vous, Monsieur?' He replied, 'Yes.' I told him that they were pleines de faussetés et de sottises. He shrugged up his shoulders, and replied, 'J'ai cru voir cela.'" —Voice, &c., vol. i., p. 49.

241

Las Cases, tom. i., p. 121.

242

Voice, &c., vol. i., p. 93. – "The Emperor admitted that he had, during this conversation, seriously and repeatedly offended Sir Hudson Lowe; and he also did him the justice to acknowledge, that Sir Hudson had not precisely shown, in a single instance, any want of respect; he had contented himself with muttering, between his teeth, sentences which were not audible. The only failure, perhaps, on the part of the governor, and which was trifling, compared with the treatment he had received, was the abrupt way in which he retired, while the admiral withdrew slowly, and with numerous salutes." – Las Cases, tom. iii., p. 222.

243

The claret, for example, was that of Carbonel, at £6 per dozen without duty. Each domestic of superior rank was allowed a bottle of this wine, which is as choice, as dear certainly, as could be brought to the table of sovereigns. The labourers and soldiers had each, daily, a bottle of Teneriffe wine of excellent quality. – S.

244

Voice, &c., vol. ii., p. 76.

245

"Sept. 19. – The Emperor examined a large basket-full of broken plate, which was to be sent next day to the town. This was to be for the future the indispensable complement for our monthly subsistence, in consequence of the late reductions of the governor. When the moment had come for breaking up this plate, the servants could not, without the greatest reluctance, bring themselves to apply the hammer to these objects of their veneration. This act upset all their ideas; it was to them a sacrilege, a desolation! Some of them shed tears on the occasion!!" – Las Cases, tom. iii., p. 184.

246

"As I was waiting in the antechamber with the military secretary, I could hear, from the Emperor's tone of voice, that he was irritated. The audience was a very long, and a very clamorous one. On the governor's departure, I went to the garden, whither the Emperor had sent for me. 'Well, Las Cases,' said he, 'we have had a violent scene. I have been thrown quite out of temper! They have now sent me worse than a gaoler! Sir Hudson Lowe is a downright executioner; I received him to-day with my stormy countenance, my head inclined, and my ears pricked up. We looked most furiously at each other. My anger must have been powerfully excited, for I felt a vibration in the calf of my left leg. This is always a sure sign with me; and I have not felt it for a long time before.'" – Las Cases, tom. ii., p. 286.

247

Las Cases, tom. i., p. 61.

248

Las Cases, tom. ii., pp. 1-7.

249

See ante, vol. ii., pp. 7 and 8, note.

250

"Plays occupied our attention for the future; tragedies in particular. Napoleon is uncommonly fond of analyzing them, which he does in a singular mode of reasoning, and with a great deal of taste. He remembers an immense quantity of poetry, which he learned when he was eighteen years old, at which time, he says, he knew more than he does at present." – Las Cases, tom. i., p. 249.

251

"Tragedy fires the soul, elevates the heart, and is calculated to generate heroes. Considered under this point of view, perhaps, France owes to Corneille a part of her great actions; and, had he lived in my time, I would have made him a prince." – Napoleon, tom. i., p. 250.

252

"Napoleon is delighted with Racine, in whom he finds an abundance of beauties. He thinks but little of Voltaire, who, he says, is full of bombast and tinsel; always incorrect, unacquainted either with men or things, with truth or the sublimity of the passions of mankind." – Las Cases, tom. i., p. 249.

253

"Voltaire, in the character and conduct of his hero, has departed both from nature and history. He has degraded Mahomet, by making him descend to the lowest intrigues. He has represented a great man who changed the face of the world, acting like a scoundrel, worthy of the gallows. He has no less absurdly travestied the character of Omar, which he has drawn like that of a cut-throat in a melo-drama. Voltaire committed a fundamental error in attributing to intrigue that which was solely the result of opinion. Those who have wrought great changes in the world, never succeeded by gaining over chiefs: but always by exciting the multitude. The first is the resource of intrigue, and produces only secondary results: the second is the resort of genius, and transforms the face of the universe." – Napoleon, Las Cases, tom. ii., p. 80.

254

Narrative, p. 234.

255

"The sound of bells produced upon Napoleon a singular effect. When we were at Malmaison, and while walking in the avenue leading to Ruel, how often has the booming of the village bell broken off the most interesting conversations. He stopped, lest the moving of our feet might cause the loss of a tone in the sounds which charmed him. The influence, indeed, was so powerful, that his voice trembled with emotion while he said – 'That recalls to me the first years I passed at Brienne.'" – Bourrienne, tom. iii., p. 222.

256

See ante, vol. ii., p. 76.

257

Las Cases, tom. ii., p. 325.

258

Las Cases, tom. ii., p. 324.

259

O'Meara, vol. i., p. 65.

260

Captain Hall's Voyage to the Eastern Seas, vol. i., ch. vii., pp. 302, 319.

261

See Appendix, No. IV., for one of the best and most authentic accounts of Napoleon's conversation and mode of reasoning.

262

"See Dr. Baillie's inestimable book on Morbid Anatomy, pp. 141, 142." – S.

263

See, for a detailed account of the establishment at Longwood, Appendix, No. V.

264

Las Cases, tom. iii., p. 359.

265

Las Cases, tom. iv., p. 281.

266

See Parl. Debates, vol. xxxv., p. 1137.

267

Voice, &c., vol. ii., p. 256.

268

The letter alluded to is quoted at full length in the Quarterly Review, vol. xxviii., p. 224 to p. 226. It was received after Dr. O'Meara's dismission; which therefore, must have been occasioned only by the suspicion of what was afterwards proved. – S.

269

"As member of the College of the Propaganda, he could not go alone. Missions in which the line is to be crossed, must be composed of at least two missionaries; and the Abbé Vignali, who had some notions of medicine, was attached to Bonavita. Princess Pauline gave her cook; Madame Mère one of her valets; and thus a little colony was formed." —Antommarchi, vol. i., p. 9.

270

Mémoire sur le Consulat, 1799 et 1804. – S.

271

Antommarchi, vol. ii., p. 71.

272

Such at least was the report. The attempt was to have been made by Johnstone and his desperate associates in a boat, which they were to row across the Scheldt towards Flushing, just when Napoleon was proceeding thither. They were to board the imperial barge, throw every one save Napoleon into the sea, and, removing him to their own light row-boat, were to pull out and deliver him up to the British squadron, then cruizing off the island. It is added, that Napoleon took the alarm from seeing a boat rowing very swiftly towards him, and, ordering his crew to pull harder, or give way, as it is called, the smuggler, instead of running athwart the barge, fell astern, and the opportunity was lost. We do not know that there is any good authority for this story. – S.

273

Parl. Debates, vol. xl., p. 1559.

274

Despatches to Sir Hudson Lowe, 30th September 1820. – S

275

Antommarchi, vol. i., p. 339.

276

Antommarchi, vol. i., p. 363.

277

"'Twas ever thus – from childhood's hourI've seen my fondest hopes decay;I never loved a tree or flower,But was the first to fade away."

278

Antommarchi, vol. i., p. 371.

279

"He repeated the attempt three or four times, and with as little success. 'I now see,' said he, with a tone of affliction, 'that my strength forsakes me. Nature no longer answers, as formerly, to the appeals of my will; violent shocks are no longer suited to my debilitated frame: but I shall attain the end I propose by moderate exercise.' On the following day, the Emperor was labouring under profound depression of spirits; – he still felt persuaded that exercise would save him. 'Sire,' said Montholon, 'perhaps the see-saw would do your Majesty good?' – 'True, I will try: have one arranged.' This was immediately done; but this motion produced no favourable effect, and he gave it up." – Antommarchi, vol. i., p. 393.

280

Dr. Shortt, physician to the forces; who, at this time, replaced Dr. Baxter as principal medical officer at St. Helena, and to whom we have been obliged for much valuable information. – S.

281

Antommarchi, vol. ii., p. 59.

282

"I seized a moment, when the Emperor was more tranquil, to hazard a few words about the necessity of a consultation. – 'A consultation! what would be the use of it? You all work in the dark. No! I will have none of them.' The Emperor was warm, and I therefore did not insist for the moment, but waited until he was more calm, when I again pressed the subject. 'You persist,' said he, with a tone of kindness, 'consult with the physician of the island that you consider the most skilful. I accordingly applied to Dr. Arnott." – Antommarchi, vol. ii., p. 59.

283

Antommarchi, vol. ii., p. 65.

284

Madame Bertrand mentioned to Dr. Shortt that Napoleon conceived himself dying of cancer in the stomach, which she considered as a mere whim. – S.

285

Antommarchi, vol. ii., p. 120.

286

When at St. Helena, he was much troubled with toothache and scurvy in the gums. – S.

287

Las Cases, tom. i., part ii., p. 5.

288

See Appendix, No. VI.

289

See ante, p. 57.

290

Histoire de la Guerre de la Péninsule, par Le Général Foy. – S.

291

"And all the courses of my life do show, I am not in the roll of common men." —Henry IV., act iii., sc. 2.

292

"For deity, read great man, and Gourgaud's account is perfectly correct." – Joseph Buonaparte, Erreurs de Bourrienne, tom. i., p. 233.

293

Memorable Events at Paris, p. 93.

294

Thibaudaud, Mémoires sur le Consulat, p. 148. – S.

295

Antommarchi, vol. i., p. 249.

296

See Appendix, No. VII.

297

The precise words of the Will seem to bear, that it was the Comte d'Artois' confession which established this charge. But no such confession was ever made; neither, if made, could it have been known to Napoleon at the time of the trial; nor, if known, could it have constituted evidence against the party accused, who was no accessary to the fact alleged. The assertion is utterly false in either case, but under the latter interpretation, it is also irrelevant. The Duc d'Enghien might be affected by his own confession, certainly not by that of his kinsman. – S.

298

Cantillon. See Fourth Codicil to Will, Appendix, No. VII.

299

See Dr. O'Meara's Voice from St. Helena, who seems himself to have been startled at the enormity of the fiction. What makes it yet more extravagant is, that Napoleon's Will disposes of a part of that very treasure, as if it were still in the hands of Maria Louisa. – S.

300

Liv. ix., Mémoires Historiques de Napoleon. London, Sir R. Philips, 1820. – Montholon, Mémoires de Napoleon; Colburn, London, 1823. – Las Cases; London, 2 vols. – Gourgaud, War of 1815; London, 1824. – Many passages in these works will be found quite parallel; for instance, Montholon, vol. ii., pp. 272-289, with Liv. ix., p. 43. Grouchy, p. 4, designates these works from St. Helena, as containing, "des instructions et des ordres supposés; des mouvements imaginaires," &c. &c.; also, "des assertions erronnées, des hypothèses faites après coup;" see also p. 26. P. 22, he says, with justice, of these authors: "Des individus qui se persuadent que l'auréole de gloire d'un grand homme, en les éclairant un moment, les à transformé en d'irrécusables autorités, et ne voyant pas qu'un éclat d'emprunt qui ne se refléchit sur aucun fait d'armes connus, sur aucuns services éminens, ne sert qu'à mieux faire ressortir la présomptueuse impéritie des jugements qu'ils prononcent."

301

The best account of the campaign is by an anonymous author, C. de W., published at Stutgard, 1817, and is attributed to Baron Muffling. It does honour to its illustrious author, from its candour and manliness, though he naturally wishes to give more effect to the Prussian attack on the 18th, than was actually the case; that is, he brings them into action, with their whole force, considerably too early in the day.

302

It is well remarked, in Liv. ix., p. 150, – "Ces détails en appartient plus à l'histoire de chaque régiment qu'à l'histoire générale de la bataille."

303

Rogniat, p. 147, speaking of charges, says, – "S'ils marchent, à la baïonette, ce n'est qu'un simulacre d'attaque: ils ne la croisent jamais avec celle d'un ennemi qu'ils craignent d'aborder, parcequ'ils se sentent sans défence contre ses coups, et l'un de deux partis prend la fuite avant d'en venir aux mains." – Such is the case in all charges.

304

The salt-water inundation could be raised at Ghent, so as to place the Great Square five feet under water.

305

Such, however, could only be a desultory attack, for the chaussée by Charleroi and Givet was the nearest entry from France on this side. The country from this to Mayence was then nearly impracticable for large armies. Good roads have since been made through it.

306

Buonaparte blames the allied generals for not having formed a camp in front of Brussels, as he alleges might have been done in the beginning of May. The wet season, and difficulty of subsisting so large a body of troops, is some reason against it. Besides which, Buonaparte might have made demonstrations in front, and sent 20,000 men from his garrisons to ravage Ghent and the country beyond the Scheldt, and cut off our communications with Ostend. In 1814, when the Prussians were concentrated near Brussels, this had been done with effect from Lisle. Though little advantage might have resulted to the enemy from such a measure, much blame would have been attached for not taking precautions against it. To cover Brussels, the capital of the country, was certainly of great importance; and had that been the only object, a camp in its front would have certainly been the best means of effecting it.

307

Buonaparte himself has remarked, – "L'unité de commandement est la chose la plus importante dans la guerre."

308

Buonaparte, Liv. ix., p. 69, rates his force at 122,400 men, and 350 guns. Muffling, p. 17, at 130,000. Other accounts make it smaller, and Batty, 127,400, with 350 guns.

309

Grouchy, p. 59, speaks of the rapidity with which Blucher assembled his army. It is also adverted to by several French military writers.

310

Ney might probably have driven back these troops, and occupied the important position at Quatre-Bras; but hearing a heavy cannonade on his right flank, where Ziethen had taken up his position, he thought it necessary to halt, and detach a division in the direction of Fleurus. This brings forward a remarkable case, as he was severely censured by Napoleon for not having literally followed his orders, and pushed on to Quatre-Bras. This was done in the presence of Maréchal Grouchy, – (see Grouchy's Observations) – who gives it as a reason (pp. 32, 33, 61,) for acting in the manner he did on the 18th, and not moving to his left to support Napoleon at Waterloo.