Memoirs of the Duchesse De Dino (Afterwards Duchesse de Talleyrand et de Sagan), 1841-1850

Sagan, December 14, 1849.– I hear from Paris that Madame de Lieven sometimes lays aside her Deffant bonnet in favour of a toque of black velvet with white feathers, which is the last word of fashion. She goes into society and is seen everywhere; she has even procured an introduction to Madame de Circourt where the ultra-Catholic society meets; she is trying to find recruits there for her salon, and is especially anxious to attract M. de Montalembert.

To judge by an article in the Friend of Religion, our dear Bishop of Orléans210 has gained another triumph at Notre Dame, a triumph for the faith by which he is inspired and for the friendship of which he is the object. I expect a hymn of praise from my good Pauline on this subject.

Sagan, December 16, 1849.– A letter from Berlin of yesterday's date says: "The German question is more confused than ever, and no one can foresee the issue. The only decided point seems to be that of the elections for Erfurt, in spite of Austria, whose language, though moderate, none the less shows a strong determination not to give way. From this you may deduce the probable consequences, none of which I should care to guarantee."

My perusal of the sixth volume of the Mémoires d'outre-tombe brings on a succession of nervous shocks. M. de Talleyrand appears at every moment, and is treated with a fury which of itself counterbalances the author's malicious tendencies, though of these a good proportion survive; in any case in which M. de Talleyrand really acted, the author is silent: where his influence was small, he attacks him with furious invective, and all this because he is trying to prove that his pamphlet, Bonaparte and the Bourbons, brought about the restoration of 1814. For instance, when he is driven into a corner a cry of grief escapes him, and he says: "My poor pamphlet was crushed by the foul intrigues of the Rue de Florentin." In this outcry we see the true explanation of his furious rage. Vanity of vanities! I trust for the sake of this hero of vanity that he seriously asked pardon from God before he was taken to the rock of St. Malo, which his vanity again has chosen as his last resting-place. As he could not choose his cradle, for which he would doubtless have selected an eagle's nest, he has been careful to ensure that his tomb should be a picturesque point of pilgrimage. But who will say that while tied to this rock he is not devoured by the vulture of conscience? I would not deny that my poor uncle has been a great sinner, but I would prefer to stand with his feeble conscience before the Throne than with this mind full of anger, malice, gall and enmity, the revelation of which now permits us all to judge and to condemn him.

Salvandy has paid a visit to Claremont, and reports that some words of wisdom were spoken. Apparently the inhabitants have learned by experience and now recognise the value of right. Young and old say that they are ready to lower their flag to this principle, and to serve it. I fear that those at Eisenach are by no means so advanced as yet, for I have had a letter from Madame de Chabannes; on leaving Eisenach she went through Brussels and spent two days there to see the Queen. When at length she returned to Versailles, she found her husband was also returning from Claremont. She writes to me as follows: "To my great regret I found the Queen of the Belgians extremely anxious for coalition. England wishes to maintain the status quo in France in order that this poor country may plunge deeper in the mire. Hence Lord Palmerston is intriguing in every possible way to avoid the possibility of regeneration. King Leopold simply echoes Downing Street211 upon French but not upon German questions, and Queen Louise is of her husband's opinion. A snare has been spread for the Duchesse d'Orléans by inviting her to consider a new combination – a proposal to induce the Duc de Bordeaux to abdicate, to which he will certainly never consent. In this you may recognise the punic faith of the modern Carthage. My husband has been commissioned by Claremont to give the password to our leaders here, and I know that the Legitimists have been informed of Louis Philippe's conciliatory attitude; but parties are broken in the numberless factions. The Legitimists are no longer drilled as they were, and some would prefer the Comte de Montemolin to the Comte de Paris. I often think of your prophetic words at Eisenach, to the effect that this desirable coalition, which might have produced such great results six months ago, has now missed its opportunity, and that every day's delay diminishes its possible importance and utility. But how is one to destroy such inveterate prejudices, in which self-esteem is so powerful a factor and petty subordinate ambition so energetic?"

The following is an extract from a letter which I have written to the Duc de Noailles to thank him for his speech before the Academy: "My dear Duc, you have gained a brilliant success before a great and sensitive audience. I propose to offer you one less brilliant and more remarkable from the depths of my solitude. I was busy reading d'Outre-tombe when the Journal des Débats brought me a report of your magnificent speech; I admired it, although it contains nothing but praise of a man against whom my instinct has always revolted, and who has become the object of my deep aversion on account of the persistent jealousy manifested in his acrimonious confessions. But as I read your speech I had only to consider yourself, and I understood that you were not allowed to be a judge, but were forced to be a eulogist. I can therefore honestly say that my applause is the greatest triumph that your words can have gained, and perhaps also the greatest proof of my friendship. I am also convinced that precisely because you were thinking of me, it must have been difficult for you to draw a portrait without shadow, and to deprive it of truth precisely as you have added to its lustre. Disregarding the question of truth, I have been keenly delighted by the purity, simplicity, and taste – unfortunately now so rare – of your language which has given me infinite pleasure. The elevation of thought corresponds to the delicacy of feeling; political prudence has nowhere infringed literary dignity, while supporting it with a tactfulness alike clever and felicitous."

Sagan, December 21, 1849.– A letter from Paris, which I received yesterday, contains the following passage: "Political conditions are calmer for the moment, but the majority of the Assembly are divided by several class divisions, and apparently the dangers of the street alone can force them to unite. This is no great guarantee of security, and gives a touch of bitterness and sadness to all conversations. The best of friends entertain opposite ideas, and argue vehemently, so that social relations become difficult and unpleasant. Madame de Lieven alone seems perfectly contented, and quite delighted with her stay in Paris; she continues to make as many new acquaintances as she can, and is especially attentive to people in power, and sorry that she cannot go to the Elysée."

Sagan, December 26, 1849.– An incident which I regard as very vexatious has struck me – the discussion proceeding in the daily Press concerning the advantages, the inconveniences, the forms and conditions of the coalition, so long desired by all the true friends of France. It seems to me that nothing could be more fatal to the chance of a successful issue than thus to bring discussion before a public which is partial, prejudiced, ill-informed and often both malicious and ignorant. I fear I was correct at Eisenach, when I said that I feared it might be already too late to take a step which should have been burst upon the public unexpectedly, and have made the impression of an accomplished fact. Such a step would then have produced its full effect – would have decided waverers, gathered together all right-minded people, united the recalcitrants, and apart from a few courageous spirits, a vast number of timid minds would have been soon gathering round this one standard. Now, if it should be unfurled, it will appear shattered and torn by the missiles of journalists and the invectives of the wretched subordinate intriguers whom I was sorry to see about the Duchesse d'Orléans.

Apparently Vienna wishes to make some social effort to please the young Emperor. Last year the Emperor was greatly attracted at Olmütz by his cousin, the Archduchess Elizabeth, who has just lost her husband: though the Emperor consoled himself, it is said that some sparks of his early ardour remain to him and that very possibly the young Archduchess, who can easily be consoled, might become Empress when her mourning is over. She is nineteen years of age, is pretty and has one child.212

Sagan, December 30, 1849.– In France the conflict of opinion is obvious. One party are confident that they will secure the empire within a month; the other party are equally certain that the principle of legitimacy is immutable and universally recognised, so that their triumph is assured; the merchants say that they would prefer the family of Orléans, while the Socialists mock at all these dreams and regard their own accession to power as certain. As the parties would only unite in order to combat the Socialists, these last may very well find a favourable opportunity eventually.

In two days we are to begin a new year and to begin also the second half of the nineteenth century. What a half-century this last has been, and what catastrophes have marked the conclusion of this epoch of disturbance and madness! During the first years of this half-century we were emerging from chaos, and in chaos the last years of it have plunged us. Heaven alone knows to what depths we shall fall. May we at least be able to die peacefully in our beds; desires and hopes can go no further than that wish, although to desire even so much may seem excessive.

CHAPTER VIII

1850

Sagan, January 3, 1850.– The weakness of the Prussian Ministry is inconceivable and so is the utter confusion which the new laws, whether proposed or granted, produce throughout the administration of the country. It is a case of quoting:

Laws lost their forces and right and wrong their meaning,Or, to speak truth, a Valois reigned no more.213

There is an ancient prophecy in Prussia dating from the reign of the father of Frederick II. which says that his fourth successor will be the last Hohenzollern to reign over Prussia. There seems to be really some reason for believing this prediction. It is proposed to establish uniform laws from the banks of the Rhine to the Carpathians: this is sheer foolishness, as manners, civilisation, and interests are utterly different. The Landwehr which is now very loyal will be retiring next year and will be replaced by a new levy of very disaffected character; in short, wherever we look, nothing but decay is to be seen and uneasiness spreads apace. However, the Danish negotiations have been vigorously resumed at Berlin and are said to be safe in the hands of Herr Usedom.

I hear of a curious fact from Paris; all the factories are in full swing, but business can only be done for ready money; bills at three months simply cannot be discounted; the bank has just as many coins and as much bullion in its cellars as it has notes in circulation. This fact, perhaps unexampled hitherto, demonstrates mathematically that there is not the smallest confidence in the near future and that the people are living from hand to mouth.

Sagan, January 9, 1850.– I hear from Paris that M. de Persigny has arrived at Berlin,214 with many proposals and with the fixed idea of forming a triple alliance between France, England, and Prussia. This idea, however, does not originate with him, but with that infernal Palmerston. Vienna was informed of the proposal at the outset and Prince Felix Schwarzenberg made it public through the newspapers, but in spite of this publicity it is said that the proposal has not been abandoned. Prussia will be offered Saxony and Thuringen and prospects will be held out with regard to Hanover after the death, which is probably not very remote, of King Ernest Augustus: in exchange Prussia would be asked to cede the Rhine provinces; Prussia replies that France should be contented with the Bavarian parts of the Rhine which, in the views of the Elysée, are sufficient. Such is the point which this intrigue has reached, for we cannot dignify it with the title of a negotiation. M. de Persigny tells himself that if he is successful he will make certain of the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs for himself, to which he aspires, and also secure the empire for his master, who is equally ambitious in this direction. Another correspondent from Paris writes to me: "Those who were liberated under the amnesty and have been restored to their families by the President are doing more harm in one day than all the scoundrels of Paris in concert. They are so full of gratitude that they threaten to kill the President. Many of these men are convinced that their wives brought about their arrest and they are therefore searching for proof to rid themselves of their better-halves."

Berlin, January 12, 1850.– A parliamentary crisis is now in full progress here. The King has been unwilling to take without some reservation an oath which he desires to keep but which is repugnant to his political conscience.215 The Ministry absolutely required a law from the Chambers concerning the Press and the clubs if it was to govern, and therefore urged the King to take the oath to the Constitution, as otherwise he could expect nothing from the Chambers. Such was the dilemma. Violent scenes took place between the King and his Cabinet. The latter was determined to resign and to force the King to yield. When matters were in this situation two very influential personages, General Rauch and Baron von Meyendorff,216 intervened. The Ministry was informed that its exploits hitherto had been so glorious that it could afford to act in a high-handed manner, and that to put pressure upon the King in order to endow the country with a detestable Constitution, was unworthy of it. The Ministers were directly informed that their weakness had aroused general disgust, that they had shown no comprehension of their duty and that when the danger of riots was passed they had distinguished themselves only by their incapacity; they were obliged to hear some very stern truths. On the other hand attempts were made to soothe the King's feelings by attributing a firmness to him which is thought to be due to the Queen's influence. The result of all these comings and goings is the royal message which does not reform everything that is bad, but places certain landmarks in the country by which people can guide their steps. The Ministry has frankly adhered to the King, I am told, who has now emerged from his period of obscurity. The next question is whether the Chambers will accept the arrangement. It is thought that they will agree, because the Cabinet asserts that it will resign upon refusal, and the Chambers know that a purely reactionary Ministry would take its place immediately. The Second Chamber, which is anxious to avoid a dissolution, is terrified by this combination, and it is hoped that it will yield before this menace which may become reality.

Berlin, January 17, 1850.– Your observations concerning women who interfere in politics and concerning the dangers which they may run in consequence, are perfectly correct.217 I think it may be said in justice to myself that at no time have I meddled with such matters and that I have never taken part in politics except against my will. Far from attempting to satisfy my self-esteem by such means, I have always been terrified by my responsibility. If, in consequence of my exceptional position, I have been well informed and have even been asked for my advice and have exerted some influence upon the decision of important matters, I have at any rate not lent either my name or my energies to an intrigue, nor do I ever desire to play the part of a political woman; in this respect I have always been ready to yield to others who were more anxious and probably better fitted for such an occupation.

Here public opinion is absorbed by the parliamentary crisis which has not yet been settled, while much doubt and great difference of opinion prevails concerning the result and its consequences. The King has been so harassed and tormented that after a struggle of several hours the day before yesterday, he was quite exhausted, sent for his cloak at nine o'clock in the evening, and went for a walk in the park of Charlottenburg alone and on foot through the snow, to refresh himself and recover his spirits in the open air. He was inclined to dismiss the Cabinet, dissolve the Chambers, and summon those who are here called the reactionaries. General Rauch prevented this move: no doubt he was right, because energetic measures can only succeed in the hands of those who will shrink from none of the consequences of vigorous action.

I spent an hour yesterday with the Countess of Brandenburg, where Herr von Meyendorff showed us a letter which he had just received from Madame de Lieven. Her letters are always pleasant reading as she writes with sprightliness, is quite natural, and always has plenty to say. In this letter she said that Lord Normanby is undisputed monarch at the Elysée where he is doing his best to promote the imperial movement; that the President has broken with the bigwigs and devotes himself entirely to his evil counsellors; that the Assembly is more divided than ever, for the leaders defy one another in no measured terms, Molé calling Broglie a respectable nonentity, Thiers calling Molé an old woman and the latter replying by "cad." In short, confusion in France is complete, but is it not so everywhere, unfortunately? In such general turmoil it is very difficult to preserve any clearness of view or definite opinions; when insight is clouded it becomes weakened and only the heart can remain a certain guide at a time when all calculations are deceptive and when instinct alone can provide the guiding clue through the labyrinth.

Berlin, January 19, 1850.– The present moment here is an interesting time by reason of its critical nature, and if I took the same interest in mundane affairs as I used to do, I should now be all ears. Yesterday rumours of concession suddenly came to an end; a large number of Conservative deputies and important persons in the town outside the Chambers, signed a petition to the King begging him not to yield. Bethman-Holweg, who is not a deputy, took this petition to Charlottenburg yesterday evening.

Berlin, January 24, 1850.– Apparently Radowitz has arrived here and is less energetic in urging the King to concessions than had been feared: he also seems to have brought many letters from Gagern to influential members of the Chambers, urging them to obey the King for the reason that their refusal would probably endanger the whole constitutional edifice of Germany. Next week will bring us a final solution.

Berlin, January 25, 1850.– Yesterday evening I went to a concert at Charlottenburg where hardly any one listened to the music, as all present were preoccupied with the probable events of to-day. The parliamentary battle is opened this morning.

I hear from a good source that M. de Persigny is secretly intimate with a somewhat disreputable band of politicians, and that as he cannot find a welcome in any salon, he spends his time with a circle by no means suitable for one in his official position, either from ill-temper or from boredom or from instinct. In this way he has been carrying on a series of petty intrigues for some time. His proposals are being considered and he is given hopes of success; but no serious negotiations are begun with an official and with a Government, neither of whom can be taken seriously.

Berlin, January 26, 1850.– Yesterday evening at a ball given by Count Arnim-Boitzenburg, the Meyendorffs told me that M. de Persigny had paid them a long visit the evening before and had explained to them his Bonapartist and Imperialist theories, asserting that they alone aroused popularity in France. By way of proof he concluded with the statement that in the villages of France whole families could be found on their knees before the picture of the Emperor Napoleon, asking for the return of the Empire. This is a most audacious invention. He came up to me at this ball and asked after my daughter, saying that he had had the honour of making her acquaintance at the house of M. de Falloux, with whom he asserts that he has been intimate for the last eighteen years.218

Berlin, January 27, 1850.– Yesterday at eleven o'clock in the evening the debate upon the royal message was not concluded. There was every prospect that Arnim's amendment would be adopted. He proposes to postpone for two years the law concerning the organisation of the Chamber of Peers and to make this Chamber in any case composed solely of life members and not hereditary: this two-fold concession would make the measure entirely illusory and would merely confirm the uncertain nature of the provisional arrangements. It is sad, serious, and fatal.

The Austrian Minister Prokesch, after being snow-bound for six days, and the Prince of Leiningen, the brother of Queen Victoria, have arrived from Vienna. The former is staying at Berlin and the latter proceeding to Frankfort-on-Main; both are delighted with the young Emperor. They say that if Prussia is not loved at Vienna, England is particularly hated and France entirely disregarded.

The real leader of the Austrian army is the young Emperor, and his chief of the staff, General von Hess, is his clever instructor. All the orders to the troops and all military measures proceed directly from the Emperor without any intervention or counter-signature on the part of the Ministry. This is a fact of some importance. Leiningen was also greatly struck by the attitude of Prince Felix Schwarzenberg; he spoke of him as the firmest and even the boldest Minister to be found anywhere.

Berlin, January 28, 1850.– Arnim's amendment passed by a small majority which it would not have had if fifteen Poles had not abstained from voting. The paragraph in the royal message referring to the fidei commissum was rejected because several deputies on the Right went away, as they were hungry and sleepy! This fact will show the kind of parliamentary customs that prevail. The Ministry, who merely wished to patch the matter up, has been satisfied, but is so no longer. The King expresses himself as displeased, but I am afraid that he will eventually swear to this deplorable Constitution, as soon as the first Chamber sanctions the work of the second.

Some one tells me from Paris that he has seen M. Guizot and found him in no way exasperated or disappointed, but calm and firm. In speaking of the feeling in the Assembly and in what is still called society, he says that people are not sufficiently uneasy, but too depressed.

Berlin, January 29, 1850.– A person who recently came from Vienna told me that Prince Schwarzenberg was steadily pursuing a proposal for a commercial treaty with the Italian States, to the great wrath of Lord Palmerston. The Vienna Cabinet declares that as long as England entrusts her diplomacy to this Minister, it will disregard English representations upon continental matters and go its own way. The chief point of dissatisfaction at Vienna is the Pope with his weakness and vacillation; and Rome has thus become the most disquieting point in Italy. Here people are gloomy and uneasy, and their minds are occupied with the numerous intrigues of recent days which produced the vote of the day before yesterday. A curious fact is that Count Arnim-Boitzenburg now tells any one who will listen, that the famous amendment is not his but was arranged by Radowitz and that he has merely lent his name to it. The fifteen Polish deputies say that the reason they abstained from voting was because the Government has promised them unheard-of concessions for the Grand Duchy of Posen if they refrained from voting on this very amendment which the Cabinet declared the evening before that it would never admit. Other deputies have been persuaded by references to the wish and desires of the King. The King declares that he has been misrepresented; in short, it is an abominable and disgraceful state of confusion. The Left are highly delighted. This deplorable comedy is, in my opinion, the last stroke which will overthrow the tottering edifice; when no one has any confidence in his neighbour, and when no one knows upon what to rely or where to find sincerity and firmness, people soon lose the courage of their opinions, remain as though paralysed, and even lose the instinct of personal defence. Thus they slowly descend towards the abyss which yawns to receive its prey.