Memoirs of the Duchesse De Dino (Afterwards Duchesse de Talleyrand et de Sagan), 1841-1850

Berlin, January 31, 1850.– Yesterday there was a rumour that the King would come to the town on Sunday and take the oath to the Constitution of 1850 in the great white room of the council where the Diet of 1847 sat. There will be stands for the spectators. I certainly shall not swell the number of the curious.

Berlin, February 2, 1850.– If my uncle had lived he would have attained his ninety-sixth year to-day. God showed him great mercy in taking him away before the beginning of this new phase of revolution, so profound, so destructive, and so final; a revolution which at his death had lasted fifty years, according to him. I think that we can now see the end of it, so near are we to the bottom of the abyss, but I doubt if we shall have time to rise again to the upper air. The newspapers yesterday mentioned February 6 as the day fixed for the King to take his oath.

Berlin, February 4, 1850.– A reliable informant who has arrived from Frohsdorf says: "There is at Frohsdorf a sincere desire for reconciliation and reunion, but not in France. The old Conservative party, led by M. Guizot, are asking for union, and would obtain it, were it not for the obstinacy of the pure Orléanists, who are represented by the members of the former Opposition. They include some very influential men in their ranks, among others the Duc de Broglie. Recently, in a meeting of journalists, M. de Rémusat spoke very strongly against the coalition, basing his arguments not upon any dynastic dislike, but upon the unpopularity of the nobles and the priests, who made legitimacy, according to him, hateful and deadly. This is a fatal attitude to adopt. The divisions which are rising deprive the Orléanist party of all strength, and every one seems to be playing the game of Louis Bonaparte, or, what is worse, that of the Red Socialists." Another letter, also from a very reliable source, which I received yesterday from Paris, dated January 31, says: "The French Government is much more reasonable than I had expected with reference to the communication which it has recently received concerning the Swiss affair.219 The matter will be decided ad referendum. Probably no final attitude will be adopted on this point, but no support whatever will be given to Switzerland, from whence the wind of Socialism blows over France, and also upon Germany and Italy. Finally, no engagement will be made with England, a point of primary importance. In the Assembly, the side of the Montagne is about to create a stir; possibly there will be an armed demonstration at Lyons under the influence of the Socialists, who are there numerous; no apprehension in consequence is felt here, and perhaps even no resentment will be shown. At London they will be furious. Ellice, as he left here yesterday, said that Lord Palmerston was going to do all the mischief he could. Ellice, Whig as he is, seemed very uneasy on account of the bad disposition of his friend of Downing Street."

As I have thus begun to repeat political gossip, I may also say that a prompt resumption of hostilities over the Danish affair is expected. The people of Schleswig are allowed to arm themselves and make preparations, and before long there will be a general rising which may have serious consequences. Negotiations do not advance. The haughty language of Radowitz upon questions affecting Germany daily adds fuel to the fire, and so embitters the relations between the Courts of Vienna and Berlin that one has more reason to expect war in the near future than the continuation of peace, although a conflict between the two great German Powers would be utter madness in the eyes of the most far-sighted. The Emperor Nicholas has recently said that he thought an almost universal war in Europe was inevitable next spring. It is said that Austria proposes to promulgate a new tariff law, so widely framed as to produce great political advantages to itself, which will be a crushing blow to Erfurt and will give Lord Palmerston an epileptic fit.

Berlin, February 7, 1850.– Yesterday was a remarkable day in the annals of Prussia; the King took the oath to the new Constitution. There were no stands, or spectators, or court officials present, and no princes or princesses. The King is said to have been greatly moved, and to have delivered a very touching speech which he had not communicated to his Ministers. He did not regard himself as a constitutional monarch until he had taken the oath, and the speech was the last echo of the old régime. The King and some of the Princes dined with the gentlemen of the Chamber and certain well-worn toasts were given. All the Polish deputies have resigned in order to avoid taking the oath; Count Hochberg-Fürstentein-Pless, a rich Silesian lord, has done the same. Twenty-six other Deputies stayed away under pretext of illness. And such has been the day and the deed which is to lay the cornerstone of the new edifice.

Berlin, February 12, 1850.– Herr von Meyendorff had a letter yesterday from Madame de Lieven. She says that the scene on the 4th at Paris during the removal of the trees of liberty,220 a foolish act of provocation on the part of the police, was enough to bring about a revolt, armed intervention and the introduction of the Empire, of which the Elysée continually dreams, though Changarnier seems to have pronounced against it.

I hear that Herr von Bernstorff, who was puffed up with Prussian haughtiness two months ago, has changed his tone; that the despatches which he writes from Vienna are all inspired by great fear of war, and beg people here to avoid it at any cost. Herr von Schleinitz is disgusted, and is impatiently awaiting an opportunity to ask for the post at Vienna in exchange for the Ministry to which Bernstorff will probably be called. Radowitz had promised Schönhals and Kübeck, the Austrian plenipotentiaries at Frankfort, to sign, in company with them, the decree referring to Mecklenburg. However, he left Frankfort without performing this promise, and attempted to excuse himself upon different pretexts. Schönhals then sent him word that if he did not sign within three days he himself and Kübeck would leave Frankfort, and that the last bond would be broken. Radowitz then hastily left Erfurt to give the required signature; such, at least, is the story that I heard yesterday.

Berlin, February 13, 1850.– Yesterday the King presented to the Second Chamber a law authorising the borrowing of eighteen millions of thalers for military preparations. The Chamber considered the matter and appointed a commission. There is doubt that this authorisation will be obtained. The First Chamber also made its nominations for Erfurt yesterday; the choice fell upon the democrats. Herr von Meyendorff has no doubt that his Sovereign will regard Lord Palmerston's recent action as a further piece of impertinence, when he accepted the intervention of France in the affair with Greece221 and ignored the offers of Russia. England is asking for a new armistice between Denmark and Prussia, and as the armistice now in force was largely disregarded by Prussia, who has decidedly encouraged and supported the insurrection, the Danes are not inclined to fall into a new trap. Prussia has not only failed to recall General von Bonin, but actually lent him to the insurgent government of Schleswig-Holstein, where he publicly wore his Prussian uniform. The Danish envoys here can get no reply from the Government; Herr von Usedom will not see them and negotiates only with their adversaries.

Berlin, February 14, 1850.– I admit that every Government has its difficulties, and that the number and diversity of the complications should be guarantees against violent means of settling them. In a word, I agree that if war should break out it will be the most irrefutable symptom of madness upon one side, of weakness upon the other, and of bewilderment in general; but unfortunately these aberrations are contagious and make such progress before my eyes that any one who, like myself, can observe all the inventions of bad faith and haughtiness, speedily grows anxious for the future. If we can get through April and May without the sound of the cannon I think that peace might last between the great powers, at any rate for a year or two; this would give people time to breathe, to turn round and to get their affairs in order; but I am sadly afraid that between this date and May 15 at the latest we shall once more be in the midst of a conflagration. My own opinion is that the latter part of the month of April will definitely settle the possibility of war or peace. At the present everything points to a general conflagration in the near future. Lord Palmerston is doing his best to promote it, and M. de Persigny, with his eyes upon the right bank of the Rhine, is also working vigorously. Here, with marvellous stupidity, people run into every snare and take a delight in alienating their natural allies.

Berlin, February 23, 1850.– I spent the evening with the Meyendorffs, the house where the most authentic news is oftenest to be obtained. Yesterday's news was more peaceful. Two incidents serve to calm in some degree the warlike ideas in progress here: in the first place an individual has returned who has been sent to inquire into the military preparations in Bohemia, in the existence of which there was general disbelief. His report has fully confirmed the rumours. Then M. de Persigny has made an inconceivable blunder. Feeling hurt because overtures were made directly to Paris through Hatzfeldt on the Swiss question, he took umbrage and picked a quarrel with Count Brandenburg a few days ago. He said that France would not permit the employment of coercive measures against Switzerland, and that an opportunity of crossing the Rhine with two hundred thousand Frenchmen and of fighting in Germany would be all to the advantage of the President. In short, he showed his teeth so clearly as to give rise to subsequent reflections which might have been made a little earlier. Whether these reflections will be sufficiently strong to induce a more prudent attitude I cannot say. Persigny is completely done for: he came here with proposals of peace and will probably go with the threat of which I have spoken; his policy shows neither intention nor consistency. The newspapers represent French domestic affairs as growing worse day by day, and the attitude of her representative here is therefore more inexplicable.

Berlin, February 24, 1850.– To-day is a serious and very tragical date: it marks the downfall of what was called modern society, and very falsely called civilised society, as experience has shown.

A letter from Madame de Lieven received here yesterday predicts further catastrophes in France in the near future; the result in her opinion will be a temporary military dictatorship in the hands of Changarnier.

The King of Hanover has written a letter which I have seen. He says that he has spent some very disagreeable days and that he had a crow to pick with his Ministers, and had much trouble in converting them to his opinion. However, he has succeeded and has broken the last tie of connection with Berlin to begin closer relations with Vienna.

Sagan, February 26, 1850.– I arrived here yesterday afternoon. In the train I met Herr von Benningsen, the Hanoverian Minister of Foreign Affairs, who was going to Vienna for forty-eight hours to gain information, and was then to return at full speed to his Sovereign's side. This visit will doubtless cause much displeasure at Berlin.222

Sagan, February 28, 1850.– Count Stirum passed here yesterday on his way from Berlin, and told me that the Electorate of Hesse had definitely and officially broken with Prussia. I hear that the King of Hanover has officially announced to the Prussian Government his secession from the Prussian Bund, but that he has been obliged to yield to his Ministers, who absolutely decline any alliance with Austria, because Austria is in favour of a Single Chamber, while the Hanoverian Ministers want two. I suppose that Herr von Benningsen went to Vienna to make all these explanations. The poor King of Hanover is therefore completely isolated.

Sagan, March 1, 1850.– We are entering upon a month that has been notorious and fatal in the annals both of ancient and modern history. Heaven alone knows what kind of Ides it has in store for us at this point of the half-century. Dates and anniversaries inspire terror, and I feel that we are standing upon ground that is undermined.

Sagan, March 6, 1850.– Yesterday I had some letters from Paris. On the 2nd of this month Paris was in much perplexity concerning the approach of the elections, and news from the provinces caused some anxiety; the Red Party was rising once more. Social pleasure and the follies of dress are not checked in consequence, and are, indeed, carried to an appalling degree. The Grand Duchess Stephanie has been received by the President with the greatest honour; he gave her an establishment apart from his own, in order that her movements might be quite free, and summoned the Diplomatic Body in uniform to be introduced to her. She received the introductions seated in a chair of state, which was a strange sight at the house of the President of the Republic, and provoked some caustic remarks. She is to spend a month at the Elysée, and will then live with her daughter, Lady Douglas, who will arrive at Paris in a few weeks. As the Grand Duchess was ready to receive people of every shade of opinion while she was at Baden, many people who do not visit the President have asked permisssion to call.

Sagan, March 7, 1850.– Letters truly alarming have reached me from Paris. Those who see everything in a favourable light flatter themselves that there will be a change in the English Cabinet, and that this will produce an immediate effect at the Elysée, where Lord Normanby's influence is more powerful than ever on questions of domestic as well as foreign policy. His advice is far from excellent, and is usually given in the evening at the house of the President's mistress, amid the petty amusements which fill the Presidential hours of leisure. On the Swiss question Lord Palmerston will again direct the President's action; his instincts are warlike, whereas those of his Ministers are pacific; but the Ministers have no authority over Prince Louis or over the Assembly, which distrusts them and distrusts the President yet more. The President's attitude, again, upon the Greek question is even more Palmerstonian than upon the Swiss question; in a word, every problem which arises in Europe, whether involving a conflict or mere rivalry, will be treated with inconsistency and certainly concluded in confusion. France is also greatly distracted. I am told that the President has definitely decided to grasp the first opportunity of breaking with the Assembly and of crushing it. In short, his 18th of Brumaire and his Imperial cloak have been prepared; he is waiting his opportunity, champing the bit meanwhile. Probably his struggle against the Reds will give him an opening, and he believes that the public danger will secure him the public support. All eyes are turned upon Changarnier, who is the great puzzle of the moment; no one can divine his intentions, and he maintains so impenetrable a reserve as to lead observers to infer that he thinks himself master of the situation; there is, in fact, no doubt that he will check the coup d'état, but in the excitement of civil war some popular movement might be begun which would sweep away even Changarnier himself. Everything will thus depend upon the extent of this struggle and of popular excitement. Will the Reds fight? People seem inclined to think that they will, and the outbreak is even expected this month, while the news from the provinces is most serious. The provinces threaten to overthrow Paris, and to deprive her of the long power of initiative which she has exercised upon politics and revolutions. It is certain that the President is not the man to meet this decisive crisis; for the last six months he has sunk in the opinion of all reasonable people; he is surrounded by advisers of the worst possible colour, imbued with absurd and dangerous ideas. But in spite of all this and even more, the conclusion seems inevitable that there is no one at present to take his place, and that he must be endured as he is. Obviously France could only be saved by a military dictator who would overthrow universal suffrage, the Press, the jury, the National Guard – in short, everything that poisons France and infects Europe with its contagious miasma. If the Comte de Chambord or the Comte de Paris were to return to France to-morrow, I doubt if they could do what is necessary; such action seems only within the competence of an exceptional and irregular power. Hence the wish for a military dictatorship with full power, which, when the present crisis is over, would return the regular power to the hands of a Government sanctioned by tradition. But is this the view of God's providence, or is the old world to fall asunder in blood? Will ferocious hordes quarrel over our remains? Who can say?

Sagan, March 11, 1850.– I hear from Berlin that M. de Persigny thinks that he has done an excellent stroke of business by inveighing against Prussia before the Austrian Minister, to whom he said that two thousand Frenchmen would soon make an end of the propensities of Neuchâtel. Thereupon Prokesch, who is a somewhat rough and violent character, turned white with rage, and trembling with fury, told the little favourite that he would endure no such language at his own house, and that in spite of the coolness between the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, he would assure M. de Persigny that when the first French soldier had crossed the Rhine in hostility to Prussia, the whole of the Austrian forces would come and help their old ally to stem the revolutionary flood. On this vigorous outburst the little man beat a hasty retreat. He is said to have begun intrigues with the Prussian demagogue party, feeling that he has not sufficient influence over the Brandenburg Cabinet. The latter body, unfortunately, is a perfect weathercock, continually doing and undoing, beginning and abandoning, advancing and retiring with the most deplorable ineptitude that can be imagined.

Sagan, March 12, 1850.– The people of Schleswig say that if they are not sent a million and a half of crowns they will attack the Danes alone on April 1. The Danes reply that if they are attacked they will immediately seize all the German ships, and upon this occasion there will be no question of restoration. Thereupon Rauch was sent to Schleswig with the most vigorous instructions to dismiss Bonin, and to recall all the Prussian officers; but three hours later the Cabinet was terrified by its own unusual display of energy, and sent fresh instructions after Rauch by express messenger, so much milder in purport that no definite result can be expected.

Sagan, March 14, 1850.– General von Rauch sent back his son to Berlin to ask for more definite instructions, as those which he bore could not command obedience. However, the Minister of War223 is afraid to send orders for the recall of the Prussian officers serving in Schleswig-Holstein, for the reason that a crowd of Poles are ready and waiting to take their places. This fact gives rise to a fear that the scenes at Baden of last year may be repeated,224 when it was necessary for the Prussians to send a force into the provinces.

Sagan, March 21, 1850.– General von Rauch has returned from Holstein without securing any result. The people of Holstein are penniless, but they propose to maintain their army by authorising pillage, and as the said army is composed of bandits, the prospects are cheerful.

The Duchesse d'Orléans is staying with her nephew Schwerin at Ludwigslust.225 This is a farewell visit. It is thought that the parting will be long, if not final, for the Princesse has sent for a large supply of jewels, boxes, pins, rings, bracelets, &c., from Paris, which she is scattering round her family circle before starting for England.

M. de Persigny apparently thinks himself more remote from the pleasant little combat to which he looked forward at Paris, for it has been noticed for several days that he is less cheerful and boastful.

Sagan, April 9, 1850.– Herr von Meyendorff writes from Berlin: "The policy of Radowitz and Bodelschwing which was rejected by the majority in the Council of the Ministers, has entered upon a new phase, and it is now a question of cutting down to the size of a dwarf the coat which was originally cut for a giant on May 29, 1849.226 The idea of a Constitution for the Empire has been abandoned and there is simply to be a union of States reduced to its most simple form, that is to say maintained within the limits of Prussia's natural sphere of influence where common material interests prevail." The King was the first to start this new policy, and one of his chief supporters was General Stockhausen: Prokesch thinks that the prospects of the Government have improved, in which case the improvement must be very obvious indeed. Bernstorff, however, who is always stiff and narrow-minded, is unable to bring about the necessary understanding. At Vienna there is no great feeling in favour of Prussia, so that heaven knows how much time will be wasted.

Sagan, April 23, 1850.– Lady Westmoreland arrived here yesterday with her daughter. She brought no very encouraging political news: she expects armed intervention on the part of Russia at a near date upon the Danish question. A Russian fleet with troops ready for disembarkation is preparing to watch the Duchies; whether Lord Palmerston will leave the glory or the trouble of the affair to Russia or whether he will decide to join her will be known in a few days.

Lady Westmoreland had a letter from the Queen of the Belgians saying that her father was much tired and changed and had grown a good deal older after a violent attack of influenza; she was proposing to make a journey to England to see him.

Sagan, May 1, 1850.– The reply expected from London upon the Danish question reached Berlin on Saturday evening. The simultaneous and identical proposals of Meyendorff and Westmoreland are fully approved and the latter is authorised to give vigorous expression to them, as indeed he is doing; but it seems that the strongest words have little effect and that acts will be required to change the attitude of the Berlin Cabinet. Reedtz and Pechlin, the two Danish plenipotentiaries, are at the end of their patience and complain of the snares that have been spread for them; all are growing bitter and exasperated and the most clear-sighted believe that some violent outbreak is in near prospect.

Sagan, May 3, 1850.– The Congress of Princes227 which was to assemble at Gotha, is now to meet at Berlin on the 8th of this month; for this reason the marriage of Princess Charlotte of Prussia with the Prince of Meiningen has been postponed to the 18th which will hardly please her, for though young she is deeply in love and in a great hurry.228 She is a charming person of whom I am very fond and who is very fond of me, but I think that Meiningen is too small a theatre for her extreme energy, and that her future husband is too milk-and-watery to suit the electrical vivacity which she has inherited from her mother. This tendency has been restrained by an excellent education.

Sagan, May 7, 1850.– Humboldt tells me that as England has delegated all her powers to Russia upon the Danish question, and that as Meyendorff's language was threatening and very decided, Berlin has resolved upon pacific measures. Heaven grant that it may be so! He also says that he does not think that the Congress of Princes at Berlin has been fully attended, and that in any case it will lead to no great result, and that the convocation of the old Diet at Frankfort by Austria daily becomes a more formidable danger.

Madame de Chabannes writes telling me that she is very displeased with the Orléanist party, even more than with the party that is opposed to it. She says that the most acceptable proposals are forthcoming from the Comte de Chambord; that the young Orléanist princes are all in favour of a family compact; that Louis Philippe, who has grown much weaker, is vacillating; that the Queen of the Belgians, under English influence, is hostile; and that the Duchesse d'Orléans, who receives but incomplete information from Paris, will give no definite reply.

Sagan, May 8, 1850.– Lady Westmoreland writes to me from Berlin under yesterday's date: "The castle at Berlin is being prepared for the stay of the princes invited to the Congress; it has been possible to arrange seventeen separate sets of rooms; if these should prove inadequate, the extra princes will be lodged in private houses at the King's expense, but probably not so many as seventeen will come; hitherto the only certainties are the Duke of Coburg, the Duke of Brunswick, the Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar, the Grand Duke of Baden, and the two Grand Dukes of Mecklenburg. As for the Elector of Hesse-Cassel, he has sent word that he will come and explain to the King in person why he could enter the restricted union. General von Bülow is starting for Copenhagen to-day; he is commissioned to treat for a separate peace between Prussia and Denmark, and not to touch the questions of the Duchies, or Germany, or mediation; when I say 'treat for' peace, I mean that he should make proposals to this end, as the negotiations are to be carried on here. It has been decided to send a plenipotentiary to Frankfort, and it is supposed that Herr von Manteuffel, the Minister of the Interior, will go. The important question is whether he will appear as the Russian plenipotentiary or as representing the restricted union by himself; in the former case there will be a great retreat on the part of Prussia, and in the latter, Austria will decline to join."