Memoirs of the Duchesse De Dino (Afterwards Duchesse de Talleyrand et de Sagan), 1841-1850

Sagan, June 28, 1848.– I have returned to my domestic hearth. Though I have hitherto had no great reason to complain of my own corner of the world, I none the less feel that the earth is mined and is trembling beneath my feet. The district that I have just left seems to me to be terribly unsafe. At Paris blood is flowing.159 For some days our knowledge of events there has been confined to telegraphic news from Brussels and is very uncertain. I merely know that my children are not in the town.

Sagan, July 6, 1848.– The struggle in Paris has kept me in a state of great alarm; fortunately none of my intimate connections have suffered anything beyond terror and panic. At present the country districts are becoming dangerous, and so my daughter Pauline has returned to the city with her son.

Here we are very little better off than in France, and when I consider the many centres of communistic doctrine in this part of Europe, I cannot close my eyes to the dangers that threaten us; the less so, as I am far from thinking that they can be crushed in the manner employed by Prince Windisch-Graetz at Prague and General Cavaignac at Paris. I propose to betake myself to Teplitz in a few days and am only awaiting an assurance that that part of Bohemia has been pacified.

Teplitz, July 18, 1848.– My journey here from Sagan passed off without incident, but poverty and restlessness are everywhere prevalent. The little kingdom of Saxony is, however, less disturbed than Prussia or than the Saxon Duchies of Thuringen, where the feeling is pre-eminently republican. At Dresden the Ministry is so Radical that revolutionaries could hardly wish for anything more. There is also an idea that the Saxon duchies would be united under the single and by no means monarchical sceptre of the good King of Saxony, who retains hardly a shadow of his royal power. Hitherto he has been saved by the fact that his Minister of the Interior wears no hat or gloves.160 He is simply a rustic but is said to be honourable enough not to betray his master. Teplitz is almost empty and no one thinks of travelling. Apart from the Clarys and the Ficquelmonts, there is no one here except a few obscure paralytics. Herr von Ficquelmont regards the prospects of the Austrian empire in a very gloomy light and seems to disbelieve any possibility that the Archduke John may save it or that he may improve the future of Germany. His dealings with the Vienna students are either hypocritical or are prompted by unworthy or speculative ambition. At Frankfort he will soon have to struggle against the separatist tendencies, which are continually becoming more obvious in Prussia, not merely in high places where they might well come to nothing, but to an even greater extent among the masses, who have been wounded in their interests and their pride.

Teplitz, July 22, 1844.– We hear that there is still some disturbance at Prague, though it is sternly repressed by the iron hand of Prince Windisch-Graetz. Vienna remains in a complete state of anarchy. Herr von Ficquelmont told me yesterday that the population of Berlin was more tumultuous and more vicious than that of Vienna and that the governmental and administrative machinery was in far better order at Berlin than at Vienna. On the whole, they are two centres of disaffection.

Eisenach, August 8, 1848.– The Duchesse d'Orléans whom I have come to see is much changed and complains that she grows steadily weaker. However, she remains calm and reasonable and is not so disinclined as she was at first to open connections with the older branch of the family. However, the possibility of forming any such project seems remote. There is a feeling that dignity must be maintained, while at the same time no stone should be left unturned to improve the chances of the future. She is entirely without prejudice; her insight is clear and her judgment seems to be more direct and to have been fortified by the great lessons of recent events. She was quite open and kind towards me; remembrances of the Duc d'Orléans give us a real interest in one another, and she expressed this fact very graciously by telling me that for her I stood outside all family questions. She called her sons and said to them, "Kiss your father's most faithful friend."

Berlin, August 13, 1848.– Every evening there is some small excitement in the streets which is fomented by the deplorable proceedings of the assembly; moreover, the financial Minister, Herr Hanseman, is proposing laws destined to conclude our ruin. Claims are being laid by the former provinces which may degenerate into revolts and lead to civil war. The Pan-Germanic party and the Prussian separatists, between whom the country is divided, are already confronting one another in a hostile temper which makes the conflict imminent. No one can tell what the future may bring forth.

Sagan, September 9, 1848.– The ministerial crisis at Berlin seems to make a catastrophe imminent.161 Civil war or foreign war may be expected and also a breach between the two constitutional assemblies of Frankfort and Berlin. In short, numberless eventualities present themselves and meanwhile private life becomes more and more impossible.

Sagan, September 16, 1848.– There are no Ministers at Frankfort162 and none at Berlin. There is a total want of energy at Sans Souci and unfortunately the troops are showing symptoms of disaffection. Use was not made of them at the proper time, and agitators have been allowed to seize the opportunity for shaking their fidelity. The absence of all legal authority has again aroused the arbitrary greed of the rural populations, while the Chambers have failed to satisfy their anxiety for a definite settlement with the overlords: thus burning and pillage have been begun once more in Upper Silesia. Rothschild of Vienna who had a fine estate there has just seen it utterly ruined. The fact is that another bad outbreak is in progress and I am more anxious now than I have ever been, seeing that the loyalty of the troops has become doubtful.

Sagan, October 1, 1848.– Things here are going from bad to worse. The other night some evil-minded persons exploded bombs near the castle. Our precautions have been taken; my army of defence has been organised and if we are to perish it will not be without a struggle. I shall not run away, for I have no personal fear, as I am totally indifferent on my own account; and then people are always overawed by courage and determination.

Sagan, October 5, 1848.– The château of Prince Hatzfeldt has been attacked by peasants;163 four of his farms have been burnt, and he has been obliged to flee. Here everything is comparatively quiet so far, but the morrow belongs to no one.

Sagan, October 9, 1848.– The post and the Vienna newspapers have failed to reach us since the day before yesterday. Current rumour ascribes this absence of direct news to sanguinary causes which are only too probable at the present time. Every day brings some fresh horrors.164 Last week we heard of the massacre of Count Lamberg at Buda;165 the hanging of poor Eugène Zichy166 who was so happy and so great a favourite at Paris ten years ago; he was hung by these barbarians in the island where robbers are executed. Yesterday we heard of the murder of the Comte de la Tour, Minister of War at Vienna, and of General Brédy.167 The Black and Yellow party is fighting in the streets against the Hungarian party. If the Anarchist party triumphs at Vienna168 it will be all up with Berlin and Breslau where people are living upon a powder-mine.

Sagan, October 25, 1848.– Everything here is in suspense and everything is being settled at Vienna. Hitherto it seems that the loyal army will dictate laws, but we dare not trust to these gleams of hope. In Austria, at any rate, an honourable struggle is in progress, and if failure should come honour will not be lost. As much cannot, unfortunately, be said of Berlin, and even if the side of right should triumph at Vienna will the victory be final? I doubt it and I fear we shall be living for a long time on a volcano.

Sagan, November 4, 1848.– A revolutionary outburst has just taken place at Liegnitz, comparatively close to me. It was necessary to use military force to quell it. At Berlin there is a riot almost every day; audacity and weakness daily increase. Yesterday the Ministry was at last changed: this might indicate a desire to revive energy; I fear that it is too late. The Assembly has been besieged, the Deputies and the Diplomatic Body imprisoned and threatened with hanging; the National Guard has been betrayed by its leader, while Sans Souci has been completely paralysed in the face of these events; and yet people ask if there is still any room for hope.169 The successful measures at Vienna have not succeeded in inspiring Potsdam with any energy, and have greatly exasperated the anarchists who wish to deliver some striking blow to recover their power and to form a centre at Berlin for spreading their influence throughout Germany. The part played by M. Arago, the Minister of the French Republic, during recent days at Berlin, has been extremely ambiguous,170 and any self-respecting Government would have sent him his passports, and lodged an official complaint at Paris. My wishes for Vienna have at length been realised. Windisch-Graetz has shown infinite patience and kindness, and only when the capitulation of the 30th was treacherously violated did he rage as he was bound to do, and as the infamy of the native authorities in Vienna deserved. We are still without details, but the main facts are official and we must regard them as providential. God grant that this may be the starting-point of a new era. Meanwhile anarchy, disorder, the want of repressive measures, and poverty are ruining the provinces. Orators are preaching murder and pillage unpunished to their popular meetings, and the results of these incendiary harangues may soon be expected. Really the state of things is frightful.

Sagan, November 19, 1848.– I think it would be advisable for Austria to add to such determined warriors as Jellachich, Radetzky, and Windisch-Graetz a younger and stronger politician than Wessenberg. It is said that such a man would be found in Prince Felix of Schwarzenberg; he has good friends, and has often been the object of great admiration. I saw him pretty frequently at Naples two years ago, and he showed me much kindness. He was a man of distinguished manner, clever, dignified, and cool, and his opinions and his speech were well weighed; but I do not know him well enough to say whether he will be equal to the heavy task which seems likely to fall upon him. Stadion, who is to share it with him, has been a friend of his youth, and their unanimity may produce fortunate results. I see nothing of the kind in prospect for Prussia, where warriors and writers, men of eloquence and action, appear to be utterly wanting in the present crisis. Every attempt now made is marked by a certain tactlessness which is far from inspiring me with confidence.171 They are sheltering themselves behind Frankfort, and looking there for refuge, support, and protection. It is undignified, and makes no impression upon the enemy, while I think that this bulwark will prove to be futile. We must hope that the army is loyal, but we cannot help recognising that it is without enthusiasm, while its ardour is allowed to cool and disappear. The soldiers who are bivouacking in the streets of Berlin are suffering from the bad weather and are greatly depressed, so persons say who write to me and who are busy distributing soup and beer to support their strength and encourage their loyalty.

Sagan, November 26, 1848.– The last week has been a very difficult time; since Berlin was proclaimed to be in a state of siege all disaffected elements have fallen back upon Silesia; my workmen have been fired upon, and the red flag has been carried about. In fact, the situation looked menacing; but now that thirty thousand troops are sweeping the province we can breathe again, and if I can believe my last letters from Berlin, we are to enter upon a new era. On this subject I admit my incredulity, and I fear that it will not be dispelled for a long time; but the fact remains that disturbances have ceased for the moment, and for so much we ought to be grateful, for the feverish state of tension was becoming unbearable.

The death of Madame de Montjoye has filled the cup of misfortune for poor Queen Marie Amélie, whose only and most intimate confidential friend she was. As a result of drinking poisoned water at Claremont,172 I hear that the King's teeth have become black. Relations between the King and his children are not invariably satisfactory, nor are the children agreed among themselves. Providence is subjecting these émigrés to every kind of hardship; possibly it is an expiation for the vote of the father and the usurpation of the son.

Sagan, December 1, 1848.– To-day the newspapers announce the programme of the new Austrian Cabinet,173 which was very well received at Kremsier and has produced a rise in Austrian stocks. May God give us a strong and clever Cabinet, at any rate in that quarter. The Cabinet which ought to govern in Prussia, and which appeared ready to assume the iron glove, seems to me to show nothing but weakness, while the glove is distinctly rusty. All good Catholics will be greatly moved by the fate of Pius IX. Notwithstanding the fact that with greater zeal than prudence he ran to liberal extremes, he remains the head of our church, the priest of God and a kind man, and his danger should stir our hearts to pity and to fear.174 I hear from Berlin that Herr von Gagern has failed in his proposed object, and that the King was stronger than was thought, for he has thrust aside the show of Imperialism which Gagern had offered him on the condition that for this occasion only he would submit to the laws of the Frankfort Government.175

Sagan, December 6, 1848.– Rumour here very generally asserts that the worst of the storm has passed. I am by no means sure of the fact; electoral excitement will soon begin when the attempt is made to work the constitution that has been granted, and the results seem very uncertain. Anything, in truth, is better than this state of decay and confusion in which we are here perishing, but though the danger may assume new forms, it will not pass so quickly. The country is certainly becoming somewhat enlightened and growing weary of the state of things which reduces every one to utter misery; some better instincts are asserting themselves. On the twenty-fifth anniversary of the King's marriage there was a favourable display of feeling, but too many elements of disaffection are still powerful and the Government cannot make itself respected. In Southern Germany, especially in Bavaria, people still seem to be in love with the proposal for sharing the power among three, particularly since Austria has concentrated her members to form one great monarchy. The old Prince William of Prussia who was nominated as a possible member of the triumvirate, has fallen into a state of mental weakness which would make him incapable of undertaking this task. Moreover, his son, Prince Waldemar, is dying at Münster of a spinal disease; it is a sad business, for he is a distinguished Prince and his death will be a final blow to his poor father. I doubt if the central power will last very long, as the King of Prussia mercifully persists in his refusal to accept the burden. It is said that the Princess of Prussia would have liked to see Herr von Gagern at the head of a new Prussian Cabinet. I do not think that this haughty character would have been willing to take so uncertain a position or to confront a Chamber so little amenable to parliamentary eloquence. In any case the King has rejected all insinuations, direct or indirect. It would indeed have been both foolish and utterly ungrateful on his part to dismiss the only Ministry which has had the courage and the capacity to raise the prestige of the Crown in some small degree and to turn events in the direction of conservatism.

Italy is in a pitiable condition. M. de Broglie will doubtless be deeply grieved at the death of M. Rossi, as it was he who brought M. Rossi to France, introduced him to politics, raised him to the peerage, and finally advanced him to the Embassy at Rome. I saw a great deal of him in the salon of Madame de Broglie, and afterwards at Rome; he seemed to me to be an astute and unpretentious character, less noble but cleverer than Capo d'Istria.176 Their assassination was due to the same cause; both attempted to play the part of Richelieu without due preparation.

Sagan, December 30, 1848.– The calm amid which Napoleon has assumed the chief power in France would tend to show that a desire for order and peace is rising in the country. Rumours are abroad of the abdication of the King of Sardinia and of a new and warlike Sardinian Ministry.177 I hope that Radetzky will bring the rest of Italy to reason as he has done in Lombardy. Windisch-Graetz is before Raab, and it is hoped that he will have no great difficulty in entering the town. Great cold delays his march, and he is also hampered by the necessity of reorganising the civil government in the districts which he occupies.178 Jellachich has been carried away by his impetuosity and captured temporarily by the Hungarians.179 He was rescued by his soldiers. Windisch-Graetz has bitterly reproached him for his blind rashness which might have compromised the fate of the army, and the vital question of the Government. The Archduchess Sophie gave her son, the young Emperor, as a Christmas present a frame containing the portraits of Radetzky, Windisch-Graetz, and Jellachich. It is well to remind Sovereigns by outward signs of the duty of gratitude, which, as a rule, they find somewhat burdensome. And so the disastrous year of 1848 comes to an end! Heaven grant that 1849 may bring some improvement in our lives!

CHAPTER VII

1849

Sagan, January 11, 1849.– M. Arago has at length left Berlin, where he is detested. There seems to be some idea that the Prince of the Moskowa will come as French Minister, though it is not thought likely that he will make a long stay. The Grand Duchess Stephanie is going to Paris, but will probably do no more than make a hurried and agitated visit to her cousin, the President of the Republic, and obtain some small reflection of his Imperial grandeur. However, Princess Mathilde will not leave him the pleasure of doing the honours of the Presidency, which she seems to have reserved for herself. The whole business can hardly be taken seriously.180

Sagan, January 18, 1849.– The meetings preliminary to the Prussian elections give no great hope of a definite result. The Brandenburg Ministry, lest it should be accused of reaction, is pursuing the barren paths of Liberalism. The Grand Duchess Stephanie, who seems to have been aroused from long unconsciousness of my existence, writes in great depression and anxiety concerning the fate of the German Rhine provinces. Apparently the Grand Duke of Baden has threatened to withdraw her settlements if she spends them in France. I have also a letter full of dignity and affectionate trust from the Duchesse d'Orléans. I propose to go to Dresden next week, to spend a few days there with my sister.

Dresden, January 28, 1849.– At Frankfort the future head of Germany was refused hereditary rights and even life tenure of power, and it therefore seems impossible that the King of Prussia could undertake a position of this kind.181 This was a clever Austrian intrigue to disqualify the King, and to overthrow the whole of this ridiculous and abominable invention, which has produced nothing but ruin and disorder. The Prussian elections are not very hopeful, not so unfavourable as those of last year, but very far from giving rise to any real hope. What could be expected from the electoral law which has been granted here? We have mad Chambers, which no one can govern and no one dare dissolve. I found the Saxon Court very sad. Dresden is full of people, but it is difficult to meet any one.

Sagan, February 12, 1849.– I passed through Berlin on my return journey. The town is now swarming with little German princes, asking for mediatisation as the only means of safety; they offer themselves to Prussia, who refuses them for scrupulous reasons of every kind. Prussia thinks it dangerous to set such an example; tradition and the historical past of the monarchy are also influential forces; in short, these poor princes will all go as they have come, and in spite of the somewhat vague promises of protection which they have received as a crumb of comfort, they will probably be driven out of their homes some day or other and reduced to beggary. Count von Bülow, Prussian Minister at Frankfort, is inclined to support the Frankfort Assembly; Charlottenberg takes the contrary view; the result is an unpleasant hitch in proceedings, while the relations between Kremsier and Berlin are characterised by marked coldness, to the great displeasure of the King. I know nothing of this M. de Lurde who is taking the place of M. Arago as French Minister at Berlin, but he may easily appear to advantage in comparison with his predecessor, who could speak only of the great-heartedness and the noble soul of Barbès!

Sagan, March 1, 1849.– If I am to believe letters from Paris, there is a general revival in progress, and a complete reaction in favour of order and prosperity. Praises of the new President are general. M. Thiers said of him, "He is not Cæsar, but he is Augustus." The Legitimists throng his rooms, and after the ball nothing could be heard but the shouts of servants – "The carriage of Madame la Duchesse, of M. le Prince," &c. The President is addressed as Monseigneur, a title anything but Republican. I am told that this practice is followed in the provinces. I must say that I rather distrust these sudden changes, but the present moment seems satisfactory.

Sagan, March 31, 1849.– The political horizon causes me much anxiety. Clouds seem to be rising once more, instead of dispersing. This unfortunate proposal of an Imperial Crown does not tempt the King, but pleases those about him, the young officers of the bureaucracy, whose petty pride finds matter for self-satisfaction. The Left, perfidiously supporting the proposal, are well aware that the so-called Imperial dignity would subject the King to the orders of the democratic professors of Frankfort. The bad weather and the abominable state of the roads delay the subjugation of Hungary.182 The only consolation is the success of Radetzky, and this has been gained at what a price! We have no details yet of his last two victories, and have only heard of the abdication of Charles Albert. The actual names of the victims are unknown.183

Sagan, April 13, 1849.– Kind Lady Westmoreland gave me the pleasant surprise of a two days' visit; she arrived yesterday to my great delight. She is a clever, lively, affectionate, and really charming friend, with warm memories of the late M. de Talleyrand, and talks of the past and the present with keen interest and intelligence. We discussed pleasant memories in England; tried as we both are by the sadness of the present time, we prefer to avoid melancholy contemplation of so deplorable a subject and to look backwards, recovering some of those precious memories which I should be inclined to style "the savings of my heart." Thus I take refuge in the past as I dare not question the future.

Sagan, April 21, 1849.– Yesterday I received letters from Paris which say that, notwithstanding the efforts of the Union in the Rue de Poitiers,184 communism is making great progress in France.

It is thought at Berlin that the Frankfort parliament will pursue a wholly revolutionary course and form an executive committee and a committee of public safety. In that case it would bring troops from Baden and Nassau in the certainty that the garrison of Mayence would not be led against Frankfort, and able thus to profit by the continual vacillation of Prussia.185 The asserted adherence of twenty-eight little German governments is sheer effrontery, as their agreement is only conditional: they will only join the Prussian banner if, following the example of these little governments, Prussia submits to the constitution drawn up at Frankfort. The four kings of Saxony, Bavaria, Hanover, and Würtemberg refuse their assent.

Were it not for the affairs of Denmark, Prussia would be able to fortify herself at home, a necessity which she is far from meeting at present, and make head against the Frankfort storm; but General von Pritwitz has submitted to the so-called Frankfort government.186 Denmark would not be likely to treat with a Government so irregularly constituted. The solution of the difficulty is not easy to see. The King, who is at bottom kindly disposed towards the King of Denmark and is afraid of Russia,187 continues to oppose the occupation of Jutland.