Memoirs of the Duchesse De Dino (Afterwards Duchesse de Talleyrand et de Sagan), 1841-1850

Berlin, March 2, 1848.– Since February 28 the most frightful news has arrived every hour with despairing rapidity. To-day a rumour is in circulation which seems to indicate a tendency to a counter-revolution at Paris; I admit that I put no faith in it. My last direct news is dated the 24th, and was written during the quarter of an hour for which the regency of the Duchesse d'Orléans lasted. Letters of the same date have arrived at Berlin, and we have the Moniteur of the 25th, but nothing more. These messages have not been delayed, and so we must withhold our judgment upon events and upon the people who have figured in this tragedy until we know the combination of events which induced the King to yield, and has, so to speak, paralysed his action and that of his family. These unfortunate people are already the objects of disapproval and criticism; I think it would be better to suspend any final judgment. Appearances, however, are very strange, and incline one to think that M. Guizot and the Duchesse d'Orléans have both shown courage and firmness in their several spheres of action. The English post which arrived yesterday evening gave no news of Louis Philippe or his family; they are said to be all at London, but on this subject there is no official or certain news, and the movements of individuals are marked by extreme uncertainty. The Marquis de Dalmatie136 is playing a strange part here; thirty-six hours ago he sent away his servants, has been selling his furniture and his diamonds, complaining of his poverty, and going from door to door saying that he is a poor émigré, and cursing the Sovereign whom he represented six days ago. He does not thereby improve his position. It is thought that as long as the Duchesse d'Orléans and the Comte de Paris are on French territory he ought to maintain his official position and adopt the attitude which it requires; moreover, it is known that his father is very rich, and it is improbable that confiscation would take place except in cases of actual exile. I shall therefore advise my children not to become émigrés, as I remember M. de Talleyrand's constant advice against this course.

The excitement here with regard to the European consequences of the days of February may easily be imagined. The Belgian Minister, M. de Nathomb, told me yesterday that a strong anti-French movement was becoming manifest in Belgium. Herr von Radowitz started for Vienna last night, and Prince William, the King's uncle, has gone to Mayence.137

The telegram which has just come in officially announces the arrival of the Duchesse d'Orléans and her two children at Deutz, on the outskirts of Cologne.138 The district of Baden is being overcome by excitement, and there is much anxiety as to the possible course of events. People say that there have also been disturbances in Cassel.139 May God have pity upon this poor old world and those members of it in particular who are dear to me!

Berlin, March 14, 1848.– The whole country between the Rhine and the Elbe is in commotion. Even here the troops are confined to barracks to-day and popular disturbances are expected. If the King had been willing to convoke the Diet a few days ago difficulties would have been greatly decreased. The best chance here is to follow constitutional forms openly and promptly; delay, hesitation, or intrigue will produce a crisis, the extent of which cannot be foreseen. Hence the present week is likely to be very critical here; the burgomasters of the great towns have arrived with terrifying petitions; revolution is more or less avowed everywhere, and it is impossible to say what will be or can be done. Meanwhile the poverty and the typhus fever are increasing.

The Duchesse d'Orléans is at Ems with her two children, travelling as the Marquise de Mornay: she is anxious to remain entirely incognito and her confidants therefore deny the fact of her presence at Ems. She is, however, certainly there, for I have seen people who have talked to her.

Sagan, March 24, 1848.– Serious events have taken place at Berlin; precious time has been lost, and after hesitation half-measures have been reluctantly begun. Further action has been extorted only by fear, after two days, March 18 and 19, the horror of which I shall never forget. Highly disturbing symptoms proceeding from Breslau have affected Silesia; attacks have been made here upon the town hall and the garrison; so far the castle has been spared. My servants thought that my presence might calm the excitement and I hastened to the spot. So far I have had no reason to regret my action, but as the neighbourhood of the Russians is a source of extreme and increasing bitterness, my brother-in-law thinks that I should not stay here and is sending me back to Berlin, where, however, the atmosphere is by no means calm. He proposes to stay at Sagan to make head against the storm and to save what can be saved. Meanwhile the financial crisis is at its height: there is no money in the country, no one can pay, bankruptcies are declared on every side, while panic and agitation are paramount. Pandora's box has been overturned upon Europe. I have just heard that the Grand Duchy of Posen is in a ferment and as my estates touch the frontier, I have a further cause for alarm, but I trust in the mercy of God, am entirely calm, resigned and resolved to bow my head without murmuring to the decrees of Providence. I only ask from Heaven the life and health of those whom I love. The uproar at Vienna has quite amazed me. We advance from peril to peril.140

Berlin, March 30, 1848.– I have now returned here, where the agitation is far from appeased. Prince Adam Czartoryski arrived yesterday from Paris, and I need not point out the nature of this new complication.141 Complications, however, follow one another with appalling rapidity. The situation of individuals who have anything to lose is hardly better than that of the kings whose thrones are tottering to their fall. For the moment, at any rate, we are all penniless and neither the war in the east nor the communism of the west offer any better chances for us in the future, for we are crushed between these two colossi.

It is said that the Prussian Diet will be open on April 2, that is in two days, though this is not yet certain. In any case the meeting will be short, as it will only deal with the electoral law.

Berlin, April 1, 1848.– The Diet which is to open to-morrow will form a new act in the drama.142 It is impossible to estimate the results, and I have lost all interest in forecasts and also in proposals for a long time. Paul Medem, who is here still, is very uncertain what his future will be. The news from Vienna does not seem to me to be particularly reassuring. In general it is scarcely possible to find a peaceful point on the whole of the globe and the sole consolation is the remembrance of sure and tried affection which can defy revolution and absence and everything that walks abroad throughout this vale of tears.

Berlin, April 8, 1848.– The effects of the revolution in Paris have been felt here and the consequences have been violent, far-reaching and irremediable. Everything is still in a ferment and the impetus, far from being exhausted is still proceeding, though not in an upward direction. The peasants' rising in the provinces is a most disastrous element in the situation: I am obliged to remain in the town in consequence, though here the continuance of popular excitement disagreeably breaks the monotonous and profound melancholy of this capital. The Metternich family are in Holland preparing for their crossing to England.143

Berlin, April 12, 1848.– Life is very sad and all classes of society in great agitation. The members of the Diet all left Berlin yesterday to seek re-election by their constituents. The fate of the country depends upon the manner in which this constitutional assembly is to be composed; it is therefore the duty of all right-minded people to attempt to secure a seat, and such is the general opinion; but many things may happen between now and May 22. A net-work of clubs enfolds the capital and the provinces ever more closely in its toils; outbreaks are of constant occurrence in every direction; the temper of the militia is doubtful; the audacity of the agitators, foreign complications and the infectious examples which have been set in the west and south and in certain disaffected quarters in the north and in the east, are enough to make any one lose his head; while the hesitating attitude of the Government and the absolute abandonment of any repressive measures are not calculated to restore confidence. The fifty little tyrants established at Frankfort will certainly do their best to turn the balance of things; no one has given them any mandate and yet every one obeys them.144 The state of affairs, as we see it, is utterly inexplicable; forecast is impossible. We must live from hand to mouth and be satisfied when every twenty-four hours have passed without some unusual shock. We see many bands of police passing through the town on their way to Posen or Cracow. The Polish landowners are giving their peasants full liberty, to avoid the danger of massacre at their hands. The Polish nationality is in arms against the German and no one can see which of the two will emerge triumphant, if attempts at reconciliation should fail.145

Sagan, April 20, 1848.– The state of public feeling remains disquieting. If the rebels confined their objections merely to the moneyed classes, the best of all possible courses would be to let them take what they want. People have so little money in hand that they would not get much: but in their frenzy they are ready to attack archives, titles, contracts, and in short anything that determines and settles landed tenure. They are also greatly inclined to ill-treat individuals and to set fire to barns and buildings, whether they are opposed or not. The position here has grown a little calmer although emissaries from the Jacobin club at Breslau appeared two days ago and are attempting to secure the adherence of the wretched little lawyers who are known in Germany as Die obskure Literatur. We heard that these agitators under pretext of holding a preliminary electoral meeting were attempting to raise a mob from the lowest of the people and to show them the quickest and easiest way of disarming the civil guard. Fortunately precautions have been taken and I have no doubt that if a demonstration should take place, it would be dispersed without bloodshed.

The wirepullers of the Berlin clubs are agitating against the form of election by two stages and are organising a great popular demonstration to offer a petition in favour of direct election, to the castle and the Ministry. I do not know whether they will be able to get many workmen together on this political question: possibly they might be successful, as the workmen are already greatly disturbed on the question of pay; from what I hear they are continually parading the streets. The other day there were serious disturbances directed against the bakers who were selling bread by fraudulent weights and who certainly deserved a lesson in consequence, though it was not the business of the people to give it to them. Meanwhile the workmen are contracting idle habits and learning to lounge in public: the workshops where they desire to work are closed by the wirepullers, and the tailors, for instance, are involuntarily on strike. I do not think there is any imminent danger of violence, but the general tendency of things is bad and may well lead to violence. The Poles have sent their ultimatum to Berlin.146 They declined to lay down their arms or separate until their demands had been conceded. The authorities are busy deliberating and find themselves in a difficult position between these two peoples, for the Poles decline to consider the demands of the Germans who insist upon remaining German, and demand that a line of demarcation should be drawn, making Posen a German capital and giving Gnesen to the Poles.

Nobody knows what to believe of Italy, as the news from that quarter is so contradictory. Letters from Vienna are sad and depressing: England offers another spectacle, very different and very glorious for herself, but I must say that I am furious to see Lord Palmerston, who has so largely contributed to this European upheaval, boasting of the comfort, of the glory and of the wealth of the English, which naturally increases with continental distress.

Sagan, April 24, 1848. – The following is a letter from Vienna sent to me by the Russian Minister, my cousin Medem: "Vienna is in a state of complete depression: there are no social gatherings; the Prater is deserted and the Opera is closed, as the public will not allow the Italians to play. Wallmoden has come to us from Italy; he is said to be here in the hopes of arranging a scheme with the Government, if not for resuming the offensive in Italy upon a large scale,147 at any rate for regaining possession of Venice and the part of Frioul which is in rebellion. Communications with the army under arms continue to be confined to the Tyrolese passes. People are properly indignant at the conduct of F. Zichy, of Count Palfy at Venice and Count Ludolf at Treviso, who capitulated disgracefully without adequate reason.148 Dissatisfaction and uncertainty of the future is general: every day the unpardonable sluggishness of the old administration, both civil and military, becomes more obvious. Their incompetency is quite incredible unless one has a knowledge of certain details. The peace of Vienna has not been seriously disturbed of late, but unpleasant demonstrations have taken place: these are provoked by unwise people, generally from abroad, who harangue the people in public meetings, in the Odeon or in similar places; publications and inflammatory notices appear everywhere and foment uneasiness in the more sensible part of the nation, especially among the upper classes. It is quite time that this came to an end, and if it goes on the situation will become complicated. For the moment, at any rate, the state of affairs is much better here than in the capital or the Prussian monarchy, but what guarantee is there for the future?"

Sagan, April 30, 1848.– We have now reached the end of the second month of this upheaval, the shocks of which are, I fear, far from reaching their conclusion. At the present moment Europe is divided between electoral passion and the flames of civil war. Human passion is displayed in all its hideousness during the rivalry aroused by the elections: citizens fight with citizens blindly and furiously, while anarchy, disorder, restlessness, poverty, despondency and despair is the picture to be seen everywhere, with a few slight differences. Those people are only too happy who are but touched by a reaction which has spent its power and contrive to pass the day without personal risk, if not without anxiety. Here we shall see what the elections, which begin to-morrow, will bring forth, and what the attitude of the country will be during the voting and the counting. Meanwhile the Press and the clubs are working furiously. Every little town has its newspaper and every hamlet its orator. The audiences for the most part do not understand what they hear, but they obey like the sheep of Panurge. The working classes propose to lay down the law to the factory directors, who can sell nothing and therefore cannot increase or even maintain their output or improve the prospects of their employees. As for the poor people who work upon the land and the more prosperous class which finds employment on the railway, their labours have come to an end, and one really does not know what to do for them. People are dividing with them the last farthing and the corn from the barns, as they are the objects both of pity and fear.

Sagan, May 5, 1848.– The Grand Duchy of Posen is at present the scene of the greatest atrocities; civil war is in progress with unheard of refinements of cruelty. The French newspapers do not know these facts or decline to state them, but the details which I have from first hand evidence are enough to make one's hair stand on end. On May 1 the Prussians were utterly defeated by the insurgents who, armed with scythes, disembowelled the horses.149 Several Polish lords have been massacred by their peasants, and they can only secure their personal safety by instigating the peasants against the Prussian army.

Sagan, May 8, 1848.– To-day the electors chosen a week ago are to appoint the Prussian representatives. I think that undue hopes are being set upon constitutional assemblies, and I fear the result may show a general state of delusion. At Vienna the resignation of Count Ficquelmont was one of the most unpleasant incidents in the whole drama:150 some students entered his house, declaring that they would no longer have him as Minister; he obeyed and would have run great risks as he walked to his son-in-law's house if Prince Clary and two students had not acted as his protectors.

Sagan, May 21, 1848.– The scenes at Paris on the 15th were frightful.151 May Heaven grant that the Moderate Party will use its triumph energetically, and that it may not be too often called upon to celebrate such victories.

To-morrow the constitutional assembly at Berlin is to open. It is so strangely composed that any beneficial result will be truly miraculous.

Sagan, May 25, 1848.– My mind is full of Rome and of the Pope;152 I can think of nothing else. I think that if I had been the Holy Father I should have set sail for America with a few faithful cardinals, the poor persecuted monks and nuns and all the money and holy vessels that could be collected: I should have founded a settlement upon the model of that in Paraguay and could thence have governed European catholicism in full independence, just as the American Catholics have been governed for so long. I think the Romans would speedily have cried out for the recall of the Pope; in any case he would be at least sheltered from actual indignity and would not be obliged to sacrifice innocent people and the property of the church. Possibly my idea is absurd, but at all events there would be something magnificent about it; whereas the present scenes display nothing but humiliation and degradation.

I have read with interest and horror the stories of events in Paris on May 15 and my opinion is that the work of the deliberative assemblies will produce no good effect. I greatly fear that this will be the consequence at Berlin, while at Frankfort the assembly is a perfect babel. The Prussian newspapers already contain Jacobin outcries against the constitution and I doubt whether the King will be able to carry through the two-Chamber system, especially with the small fragment of hereditary right he is anxious to maintain. Breslau is a horrible centre of communism.

I hear from England that at Claremont domestic quarrels increase the painful nature of the situation. The sons, disgusted with their forced inactivity, reproach their father with the loss of his party; he is wondering what posterity will think of him; and this is all very unpleasant for poor Queen Amélie whose pride and joy have so long been the touching unanimity of her whole family. She is also in a very poor state of health. Their financial position approaches poverty.153

Sagan, May 28, 1848.– The Duchesse d'Orléans has settled at the court of Eisenach: she lives very quietly with her stepmother and the tutor154 of her children, but no other attendants. Her pecuniary resources are very strained. The castle of Eisenach belongs to the Duke of Saxe Weimar, the uncle of the Duchesse d'Orléans, who has placed it at the disposal of his niece.

I hear from Vienna that all the Hungarians are breaking up their establishments and withdrawing either to the country or to Buda or to Pressburg; the Bohemians are going to Prague. In short, the pretty town of Vienna, once so cheerful and lively and so aristocratic, is becoming a desert and is as depressing as one vast village. Princess Sapieha and Madame de Colleredo have been deeply compromised in the recent disturbances; they have been forced to go into hiding. The Archduke Francis Charles has written from Innsbrück to Lord Ponsonby, asking him in the Emperor's name to join the court in Tyrol with all his colleagues.

Mr. Bulwer has come back from Spain; he had fomented a revolt at Seville against the Montpensiers who have been obliged to flee to Cadiz; the proverb, "Like master, like man" is certainly applicable to Palmerston and Bulwer.

Great excitement continues to prevail in the streets of Berlin, and the return of the Prince of Prussia who is expected daily at Potsdam, will probably produce an explosion.155 Meanwhile Berlin is practically surrounded by a force of sixteen thousand men who can be used if necessary.

I hear from Paris that Madame Dosne is dying with rage to think that the revolution could have taken place without being aimed at her son-in-law. This information may be taken as literally true, as she was having her third attack of low fever. I also hear that M. Molé and M. Thiers are both coming forward as deputies and that M. de Lamartine seems greatly apprehensive that the latter may be successful.

The atrocious scenes at Naples156 have produced a bad effect at Berlin and street excitement is said to have become menacing once more. The citizens have seized the arsenal.

Sagan, June 7, 1848.– Mental equanimity depends upon a thousand petty circumstances in every case. Only those who are very young and know nothing of mental trouble, are able to avoid the thousand and one influences of times, places, things, and even of details apparently most trivial. I think that Saint Evremond says that the less people are amenable to pleasure the more they are afflicted by trouble.

Paris seems to be peaceful but at what a price has this result been obtained? Terrible refinements of cruelty have been committed.

Sagan, June 12, 1848.– The state of Berlin and Breslau grows steadily worse. The provinces are correspondingly affected and I expect to see civil war break out any day. The country populations are ready to join the revolutionary movement against their overlords and their priests, but they detest the towns. The peasants do not like the citizens and are royalists and supporters of the military, though they are against the nobles and the priests. The result is a strange confusion which heaven alone can disentangle. The assembly which has met at Berlin has been hitherto marked by no character except ignorance and disturbance.

Sagan, June 18, 1848.– The newspapers and my letters tell me that Germany is resuming its republican tendencies. Hecker has been elected for Frankfort. Confusion is thus inconceivable, especially in view of the increasing dislike which France shows for the deplorable government under which she placed herself four months ago. She must be reduced to extremities indeed to turn to the Bonapartist flag, so miserably represented by Louis Napoleon who is known to be a very poor figurehead. And what can be said of the frightful scenes at Prague, and the assassination of poor Princess Windisch-Graetz.157 I have also been very anxious on account of Berlin, where the pillage of the arsenal and the opposition to the Ministry in the Chamber have diminished the prospect of a peaceful solution; three Ministers, Arnim, Schwerin and Kanitz, have resigned.

Potsdam, June 23, 1848.– I reached here yesterday after staying for half a day at Berlin. Medem writes from Vienna to his colleague Herr von Meyendorff and speaks very mournfully of the vacillation and uncertainty that have prevailed at Innsbrück since the Baron von Wessenberg has been in power. I am not surprised; Wessenberg is a kind, clever and good-hearted man, but even from London days I thought him muddle-headed and this is a terrible hindrance to the conduct of affairs.

I have news of Prince Metternich: he is sending his sons to a Catholic college in England as he finds no one who will join his fate and act as tutor; he is also troubled by pecuniary embarrassments.

The reigning Grand Duke of Mecklenberg-Schwerin has increased the settlements upon his stepmother, in order that the Duchesse d'Orléans and her children may gain indirectly a means of greater comfort in life; a noble and tactful action.

The ministerial crisis here is still in progress and the street uproar has been thus succeeded by a political disturbance which is no less dangerous, when a Chamber is composed of ill-assorted elements as that of Berlin. There was a rumour yesterday evening that a telegram from Frankfort stated that the assembly in that town had elected a dictator for Germany in the person of the Archduke John.158 Here there was a wish for a triumvirate. Rumour consequently arose that Prussia had replied to this news by a protest.