The History of Antiquity, Vol. 2 (of 6)

326

Bathsheba became David's wife not long before the capture of Rabbath-Ammon. Her first child died. According to 1 Kings iii. 7, Solomon, at the time of his accession, is still a boy. But since, according to 1 Kings xiv. 21, his son Rehoboam is 42 years old at Solomon's death, and Solomon had reigned 40 years, Solomon must have been more than 20 at the death of David. Hence, on p. 155 above, the date of the capture of Rabbath-Ammon is fixed at 1015 B.C.

327

1 Kings ii. 15.

328

1 Kings iii. 1. From the statement in 1 Kings xi. 14-21, this must have been the daughter of Amenophtis, the Pharaoh who succeeded the king mentioned here, the fourth Tanite in Manetho's list. Below, Book IV. chap. 3.

329

1 Kings ix. 16.

330

1 Kings xi. 23-25.

331

2 Chron. viii. 3.

332

2 Chron. vii. 8; viii. 4; 1 Kings ix. 18; Joseph. "Antiq." 8, 6, 1. The passage in the Book of Kings appears, it is true, to indicate Thamar in Southern Judæa.

333

1 Kings v. 7-10, 15-17.

334

1 Kings vii. 46.

335

1 Kings vi., vii. 13-51; 2 Chron. iii. 4, 10.

336

A similar vessel of stone, 30 feet in circumference, adorned with the image of a bull, lies among the fragments of Amathus in Cyprus: O. Müller, "Archæologie," § 240, Anm. 4.

337

1 Kings ix. 25.

338

1 Kings vii. 1-12.

339

1 Kings x. 12; 2 Chron. ix. 11.

340

1 Kings vii. 7.

341

1 Kings x. 18-20.

342

The Song of Solomon says, "There are 60 queens, 80 concubines, and maids without number."

343

1 Kings ix. 10, 24.

344

1 Kings ix. 15-19.

345

1 Kings xi. 27; ix. 15-24.

346

1 Kings iv. 26; x. 26.

347

1 Kings iv. 20, 25; v. 4.

348

1 Kings ix. 19.

349

1 Kings x. 29.

350

1 Kings ix. 26-28; x. 22.

351

Judges xvii. 10. The Hebrew silver shekel is to be reckoned at more than 2s. 6d.; the gold shekel from 36 to 45s. Cf. Vol. i. 304.

352

2 Sam. xxiv. 24.

353

Song of Solomon viii. 11; cf. Mover's "Phœnizier," 3, 48 ff, 81 ff.

354

1 Kings x. 14.

355

1 Kings ix. 19.

356

1 Kings x. 21; 2 Chron. ix. 20.

357

Song of Solomon iii. 7-10.

358

1 Kings x. 27.

359

1 Kings x. 27.

360

1 Kings iv. 29-34.

361

1 Kings iv. 22, 23, 26-28.

362

1 Kings ix. 20, 21. In order to prove that Solomon used these and no others for his workmen, the Chronicles (2, ii. 16, 17) reckon this remnant at 153,000 men, i. e. exactly at the number of task workmen with their overseers given in the Book of Kings. According to this the incredible number of half a million of Canaanites must have settled among the Israelites. The general assertion of the Books of Kings (1, ix. 22) is supported by the detailed evidence in the same books, 1, v. 13; xi. 28; xii. 4 ff.

363

1 Kings iv. 11-15; v. 13-18.

364

1 Kings ix. 10-14. The contradictory statement in Chronicles (2, viii. 2) cannot be taken into consideration.

365

1 Kings xi. 4-9, 33. Though this account belongs to times no earlier than the author of Deuteronomy, yet since the destruction of these places of worship "set up by Solomon" is expressly mentioned under Josiah (2 Kings xxiii. 13), it cannot be doubted.

366

1 Chron. xxiv. – xxvii. Here, as is usual in the Chronicles, the division of the priests is given systematically, and the idea of such a division is ascribed to the last years of David. "The Levites were numbered according to David's last commands," 1 Chron. xxiv.; cf. cap. xxvii. Throughout the Chronicles make a point of exhibiting David as the originator, and Solomon as the executive instrument. We must content ourselves with the result that the temple is of decisive importance in separating the priests from the people, and for gathering together and organising the order.

367

It appears that the lists of the priestly families were taken down in writing when the organisation of the order was concluded: Nehem. vii. 64.

368

Exod. xiii. 2; Numbers iii. 5-51; viii. 16.

369

Numbers xviii. 20-26.

370

Vol. i. 488, 502.

371

Numbers xviii. 8-20.

372

Levit. xxvii. 29-33.

373

Genesis xiv. 20; xxviii. 22.

374

Exod. xxx. 11-16; xxxviii. 25-28.

375

Levit. xxi. 16-21.

376

Levit. xxi. 5.

377

Exod. xx. 26.

378

Exod. xxviii. 31-35; xxxix. 22-27.

379

Exod. xxviii. 4-30, 36-43.

380

1 Sam. xx. 5, 24, 27, and many passages in the prophets; Numbers xxviii. 11; xxix. 6; Ewald, "Alterthümer," s. 360.

381

Exod. xii. 15-19; Numbers ix. 13; xxviii. 16-24.

382

Levit. xxii. 9-21.

383

At the division of the kingdom Jeroboam is said to have changed this festival to the fifteenth day of the eighth month; 1 Kings xii. 33.

384

E. g. 1 Sam. i. 3; 1 Kings xii. 27-32.

385

Exod. xxiii. 13; xxxiv. 23.

386

Levit. xxiii. 29.

387

Levit. xvi., xxiii. 26-32.

388

Levit. xvii. 3-5.

389

Levit. i-vi.

390

Levit. vii. 23-34, and in other passages.

391

Supr. p. 183. Exod. xxx. 1-9.

392

Levit. vi. 12, 13; ix. 17.

393

Numbers xv. 38; Levit. xix. 19.

394

Levit. xi. 1-44.

395

Levit. xvii. 15.

396

Levit. xvii. 14.

397

Levit. xiii., xiv.

398

The spoils taken in war are also to be purified; Numbers xxxi. 20-24.

399

Levit. xii. 3. The Arabian tribes in the north of the peninsula, who were nearly related to the Hebrews, observed this custom, and the Phenicians also, while the Philistines did not observe it; Herod. 2, 104. In Genesis (xxi. 4; xvii. 12-14, 25) it is expressly mentioned that Ishmael was not circumcised till his thirteenth year, but Isaac was circumcised at the proper time, on the eighth day. This shows that circumcision was a very ancient custom among the Israelites, and at the same time indicates that among the Arabs the boys were not circumcised till later years, which may have been the case in the older times among the Hebrews also. Cf. Joshua v. 1-9; Joseph. "Antiq." 1, 12, 3.

400

Exod. iv. 24; cf. De Wette-Schrader, "Einleitung," s. 282.

401

Numbers xxxiii. 50-56; Exod. xxiii. 29 ff; xxxiv. 12-16; Vol. i. 500.

402

Levit. xviii. 21; xx. 2, 27; Exod. xxii. 18.

403

Levit. xix. 27-29.

404

Deut. xxi. 11-14; cf. Numbers xii. 1.

405

Levit. xix. 35, 36.

406

Exod. xxiii. 10, 11; Levit. xxv. 20.

407

Levit. xxv. 24-31.

408

Exod. xxii. 25-27; Levit. xxv. 35-38.

409

Numbers xxxv. 30; Levit. xix. 15.

410

Exod. xxi. 16.

411

Exod. xxi. 12-14; Numbers xxxv. 31; Joshua xx. 7-9.

412

Numbers xxxv. 25-28.

413

Exod. xxi. 28-36.

414

Exod. xxi. 32; Hosea iii. 2; cf. Deuteron. xxii. 19, 29.

415

Levit. xix. 29; xxi. 9.

416

Levit. xviii. 20; xx. 10.

417

Numbers v. 5-31.

418

Levit. xviii.

419

Exod. xxi. 7, 8.

420

Exod. xxi. 17; Levit. xx. 9.

421

Numbers xxxvi. 1-11; Tobit vii. 10; Numbers xxvii. 9.

422

Levit. xix. 13.

423

Exod. xx. 10.

424

Exod. xxi. 20, 21, 26; Vol. i. 483.

425

Levit. xxv. 47 ff.

426

Levit. xxv. 39-41.

427

1 Kings xi. 26 ff place the rebellion of Jeroboam in the time when Solomon built Millo (p. 186), and give him asylum with Shishak, king of Egypt. Solomon built Millo, the walls of Jerusalem, and the fortifications (p. 186) when the building of the palace was finished (1 Kings ix. 10, 15, 24). The building of the palace was completed in 970 B.C. (p. 186); hence the building of Millo must have begun about this time. It can hardly have lasted more than 10 years. Jeroboam's rebellion, therefore, and Shishak's accession are not to be placed after, but a little before, 960 B.C. Lepsius puts Shishak's accession at 961 B.C.

428

1 Kings xii. 22; xiv. 30.

429

O. Blau in "Zeitschr. D. M. G." 10, 233 ff, and below. The shield which Champollion read Judaha Malek is read Jehud by Blau, who refers it to Jehud, a place of the Southern Danites. Even the occurrence of names of towns belonging to the kingdom of Ephraim would not exclude the possibility that Shishak's campaign was undertaken in favour of Jeroboam. Jeroboam acknowledged the supremacy of Egypt in the meaning of the Pharaoh when he called on Egypt for help, and therefore, after the manner of Egyptian monuments of victory and inscriptions, his cities could be denoted as subject to Egypt. Hence Makethu, as Brugsch reads (Gesch. Ægyptens, s. 661), may be Megiddo or Makedu in the north of Judah; in the first case the explanation given holds good. Jerusalem is not found among the names which can be read and interpreted.

430

Supra, p. 112, note. I have remarked that assumptions there noticed are necessary to bring the Hebrew chronology into harmony with the Assyrian monuments and the stone of Mesha. That Ahaziah of Judah and Joram of Israel must have been slain, at the latest, in the year 843 B.C. is a necessary consequence of the fact that Jehu paid tribute to the Assyrians as early as the year 842 B.C. In the same way the Assyrian monuments prove that Ahab of Israel cannot have died before the year 853 B.C. As the Hebrew Scriptures, in the chronology of Israel, put Ahaziah with two years, and Joram with twelve years, between Ahab's death and Jehu's accession, four years must be struck out and deducted from the reign of Joram. To maintain the parallelism, the same operation must be performed with the contemporary kings of Judah, and the reign of Jehoram of Judah (for which, even if we retain the data of the Books of Kings, six years remain at the most) must be reduced from eight years to four. These four years in each kingdom will be best added to the first reigns after the division, to Jeroboam (22 + 4 = 26) and Rehoboam (17 + 4 = 21). Twelve years must be added to the reign of Omri (p. 114, n.). The same augmentation must be made in the corresponding reign of Asa of Judah, or, rather, as the chronology of Judah from Rehoboam to Athaliah gives three years less than that from Jeroboam to Jehu, 15 years must be added to Asa instead of 12, so that his reign reaches 41 + 15 = 56, and Omri's reign 12 + 12 = 24 years. Hence Rehoboam was succeeded by Abiam not in the eighteenth, but in the twenty-second year of Jeroboam; Ahab ascended the throne not in the thirty-sixth, but in the fifty-fourth year of Asa. From these assumptions are deduced the numbers given in the text. I consider it hopeless to attempt to reconcile the divergencies in the comparisons of the two series of kings in the Books of Kings; e. g. that Omri should ascend the throne in the thirty-first year of Asa, and reign 12 years, while Ahab nevertheless ascends the throne in the thirty-eighth year of Asa.

431

1 Kings xv. 16-24; 2 Chron. xvi. 1-10.

432

1 Kings xv. 11-14; 2 Chron. xiv. 2-5.

433

1 Kings xxii. 48; 2, viii. 20.

434

1 Kings xxii. 49.

435

Song of Solomon vi. 4.

436

1 Kings xv. 20.

437

1 Kings xx. 34.

438

Nöldeke, "Inschrift des Mesa."

439

Infra, chap. xi.

440

2 Kings iii. 4.

441

The inscription of Kurkh enumerates in the army of the Syrians at Karkar men from Ammon under Bahsa, the son of Ruchub (Rehob); Schrader, "Keilinschriften und A. T." s. 95.

442

2 Kings viii. 18.

443

1 Kings xxi. 1; xxii. 39; 2, ix. 15 ff.

444

1 Kings xvi. 31-33; xviii. 19; 2, iii. 2.

445

1 Kings xviii. 4-13, 17; xix. 10-14.

446

1 Kings xvii. 9, 10.

447

2 Kings i. 8; 1, xvii. 4-6.

448

1 Kings xviii. 17-46.

449

The objections which have been made against the assumption that the king of Damascus and Achabbu, against whom and their confederates Shalmanesar fought at Karkar, according to the monument of Kurkh (col. 2), were Benhadad II. of Damascus of the Books of Kings and Ahab of Israel are untenable. Shalmanesar II. marches four times against a king of Damascus; subsequently, four years after his last war with this king, he marches against a second king of Damascus, whose name in the inscriptions is indubitably Chazailu. In the Books of Kings Benhadad, Ahab's contemporary and opponent, is overthrown by Hazael, who becomes king of Damascus in Benhadad's place. Thus we obtain a certain basis for identifying the Benhadad overthrown by Hazael with the prince of Damascus against whom Shalmanesar fought four times. Hence on the reading of the name of this opponent of Shalmanesar in the inscriptions I cannot place special weight, especially as the Assyrian symbol for the deity in the name in question is well known to have more than one signification. If a further objection is made, that Ahab cannot have combined with Damascus against Assyria, but rather with Assyria against Damascus, in order to get rid of that opponent, the answer is that Ahab had reduced Damascus before Shalmanesar's first march against the city. Ahab had released Benhadad under a treaty (1 Kings xx. 34), and they "were at peace three years" (1 Kings xxii. 3). Hence at this moment Ahab was not in need of the assistance of Assyria. That free leagues are altogether inconceivable among the Syrian princes of that time is an assumption contradicted by numerous statements in the Egyptian monuments of Tuthmosis III., of Ramses II. and III., and yet more numerous statements in the Assyrian inscriptions. Not much weight can be allowed to the late and very general statements of Nicolaus in Josephus. If Nicolaus (Joseph. "Antiq." 7, 5, 2) calls the opponent of David Hadad, the Books of Kings do not mention the name of the king of Damascus against whom David contends. If he maintains that the grandson of Benhadad I., the third of the name, desolated Samaria, it is rather Benhadad I. of the Books of Kings, who was not the son and grandson of a Benhadad, but the son of Tabrimmon, and grandson of Hesjon, who first laid Samaria waste (1 Kings xv. 18-20). A second Benhadad contends with Ahab, who certainly may have been a grandson of the first, but certainly cannot have been the grandson of the opponent of David. If Nicolaus further tells us, that after Benhadad I. his descendants ruled for 10 generations, and each of them along with the throne received the name of Benhadad, this is contradicted by the Books of Kings, not merely in the genealogy of the first Benhadad of those books, but also in the fact that in them Benhadad II., the contemporary of Ahab and Jehoram, is overthrown by Hazael, who then in a long reign over Damascus inflicts severe injury on Israel and Judah. Hazael is followed in the Books of Kings by Benhadad III. That "Achabbu from the land of Sir'lai" is correctly read in the inscription of Kurkh is an ascertained fact.

450

The prophetic revision explains the overthrow of Ahab by the fact that he had spared Benhadad in the previous war, when Jehovah had delivered him into his hand.

451

Ninth and tenth year of Shalmanesar II.

452

According to Nöldeke, "Inschrift des Mesa," the upper city of Dibon.

453

1 Kings xix. 15; 2, viii. 7-15.

454

Joel iv. 19; Amos i. 11, 12.

455

2 Chron. xxi. 16-18; Amos i. 6; cf. infra, p. 260. n. 2.

456

2 Kings ix. 14.

457

2 Kings x. 12-14.

458

2 Kings xi. 1-3.

459

2 Kings x. 30. "To the fourth generation" may have been added by the revision post eventum.

460

2 Kings x. 18-27.

461

E. Schrader, "Keilinschriften und A. T." s. 105.

462

2 Kings x. 32.

463

2 Kings xiii. 25.

464

2 Kings viii. 12.

465

Amos i. 3.

466

2 Kings xiii. 5.

467

See below, p. 326.

468

Of this date and the time of Amaziah I shall treat in the first chapter of Book IV.

469

2 Kings xiii. 25.

470

2 Kings xi. 3-20.

471

They fall about 830 B.C. The minority of the king is clear, and the verses iv. 4 ff. points to the incursion of the Philistines into Judah, mentioned p. 252.

472

2 Kings xii. 17, 18. The occurrence is recorded after the twenty-third year of Joash, and the twenty-third year was 815 B.C.

473

The subjugation of Edom can only have taken place after the year 803 B.C., i. e. after the march of Bin-nirar II. to the sea-coast. Bin-nirar enumerates Edom among the tribute-paying tribes of Syria. On this and on the date of Uzziah's accession, cf. Book IV. chap. 2.

474

Eustath. ad "Odysseam," 4, 617.

475

Vol. i. p. 352.

476

De Luynes, "Essai sur la numismatique des satrapies," p. 69.

477

Above, p. 188.

478

Curt. 4, 8. Pliny ("Hist. Nat." 5, 17) puts the distance from the mainland at 700 paces (double paces).

479

On coins of Tyre of a later time we find two rocks, which indicate the position of the city. Ezekiel (xxvi. 4, 5) threatens that she shall be a naked rock in the sea for the spreading of nets. Joseph. "c. Apion," 8, 5, 3; Diod. 17, 46; Arrian, 2, 21, 23. Renan's view ("Mission de Phénicie," p. 546 ff.) on the Agenorion has been adopted; some others of his results appear to be uncertain.

480

Vol. i. 367; Menander in Joseph. "c. Apion." 1, 17, 18.

481

Joseph. "Antiq." 8, 13, 2.

482

Joseph. loc. cit.

483

In order to bring the reigns of Josephus into harmony with his total, the total, which is given twice, must be retained. Hence nothing remains but to replace, as Movers has already done, the three and six years given by Josephus for Balezor and Mutton by the eight and 25 years given by Syncellus.

484

On the identity of the names Acerbas, Sichaeus, Sicharbas, Sicharbaal, Serv. "ad Æneid," 1, 343; Movers, "Phoeniz." 2, 1, 355.

485

Justin, 18, 4.

486

Timaeus, fragm. 23, ed. Müller; Appian, "Rom. Hist." 8, 1.

487

Timaeus, fragm. 23, ed. Müller.

488

Vol. i. 371; Movers, "Phœniz." 1, 609 ff.

489

Oros. 4, 22; Strabo, p. 832.

490

Sall. "Jug." 19.

491

The various statements about the year of the foundation of Carthage are collected in Müller, "Geograph. Græci min." 1, xix. It is impossible to fix the foundation more accurately than about the middle of the ninth century B.C. We may place it in the year 846 B.C. if we rest on the 143⅔ years of Josephus from the building of the temple (according to our own date 990 B.C.), and the round sum given by Appian – that 700 years elapsed from the founding by Dido to the destruction of the city; "Rom. Hist." 8, 132.

492

Ezekiel xxvii. 9.

493

Renan, "Mission de Phénicie," p. 199.

494

Diod. 16, 41, 45; fragm. 23, ed. Bipont; cf. Justin. 18, 6.

495

Joseph. "Antiq." 14, 12, 4, 5; Curt. 4, 15.

496

Liv. 28, 37; Movers, "Phœniz." 2, 1, 490 ff, 529 ff.

497

Servius, "ad Æneid." 1, 738.

498

Ezekiel xxviii. 2-17.

499

Psalm xlv. 9-15. Though it is doubtful whether there is any reference here to Tyre, the court-life of the Israelites was imitated from the Phenicians.

500

Hosea ix. 13.

501

Ezekiel xxvii. 4-7.

502

Strabo, pp. 754, 756.