Abridgement of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856 (4 of 16 vol.)

We have taken the liberty of reminding the committee that no naval force of any efficiency can be supported by the Government but at an expense far greater than the amount of the duties of which we pray the remission; and that there is probably no other species of naval armament half so destructive as privateers to the commerce of an enemy.

The employment of a great number of experienced masters of vessels and seamen necessarily engaged in them, whose services could not probably be obtained in any other way, and whose skill and intrepidity produce so much honor to the country, forms another important consideration.

To these may be added, that, in no other way, can the mercantile interest be so effectually united in the support and prosecution of the war, as by offering inducements to the investments of its otherwise unemployed capital in such enterprises.

We are, sir, with great respect, your obedient servants,

JOHN FERGUSON,JOHN L. LAWRENCE.

Hon. L. Cheves, Chairman, &c.

Tuesday, December 22

Imprisonment of American Seamen

The Speaker laid before the House the following Message from the President of the United States:

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

I transmit to the House of Representatives a report of the Secretary of State, complying with their resolution of the 9th instant.

JAMES MADISON.

December 21, 1812.

Department of State, Dec. 19, 1812.

The Secretary of State, to whom was referred the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th instant, requesting information touching the conduct of British officers towards persons taken in American armed ships, has the honor to lay before the President the accompanying papers marked A, B, C, from which it appears, that certain persons, some of whom are said to be native, and others naturalized citizens of the United States, being parts of the crews of the United States armed vessels the "Nautilus" and the "Wasp," and of the private armed vessel the "Sarah Ann," have been seized, under the pretext of their being British subjects, by British officers, for the avowed purpose, as is understood, of having them brought to trial for their lives, and that others, being part of the crew of the Nautilus, have been taken into the British service.

The Secretary of State begs leave also to lay before the President the papers marked D and E. From these it will be seen, that whilst the British naval officers arrest as criminals such persons taken on board American armed vessels as they may consider British subjects, they claim a right to retain on board British ships of war American citizens who may have married in England, or been impressed from on board British merchant vessels; and that they consider an impressed American, when he is discharged from one of their ships, as a prisoner of war. All which is respectfully submitted.

JAMES MONROE.(A.)Sir John Borlase Warren to Mr. MonroeHalifax, September 30, 1812.

Sir: Having received information that a most unauthorized act has been committed by Commodore Rodgers, in forcibly seizing twelve British seamen, prisoners of war, late belonging to the Guerriere, and taking them out of the English cartel brig Endeavor on her passage down the harbor of Boston, after they had been regularly embarked on board of her for an exchange, agreeable to the arrangements settled between the two countries, and that the said British seamen so seized, are now detained on board the United States frigate President as hostages; I feel myself called upon to request, sir, your most serious attention to a measure so fraught with mischief and inconvenience, destructive of the good faith of a flag of truce and the sacred protection of a cartel. I should be extremely sorry that the imprudent act of any officer should involve consequences so particularly severe as the present instance must naturally produce, if repeated; and although it is very much my wish, during the continuance of the differences existing between the two countries, to adopt every measure that might render the effect of war less rigorous, yet, in another point of view, the conviction of the duty I owe my country would, in the event of such grievances as I have already stated being continued, not admit of any hesitation in retaliatory decisions; but as I am strongly persuaded of the high liberality of your sentiments, and that the act complained of has originated entirely with the officer who committed it, and that it will be as censurable in your consideration as it deserves, I rely upon your taking such steps as will prevent a recurrence of conduct so extremely reprehensible in every shape.

I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir, your most obedient and most faithful humble servant,

JOHN BORLASE WARREN,Admiral of the Blue, Commander-in-Chief, &c.

James Monroe, Esq., Secretary of State.

Mr. Monroe to Sir John Borlase WarrenDepartment of State, Oct. 28, 1812.

Sir: I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 30th September, complaining that Commodore Rodgers, commanding a squadron of the United States Navy at the port of Boston, had taken twelve British seamen, lately belonging to His Britannic Majesty's ship the Guerriere, from a cartel in the harbor of Boston, and that he had detained them on board the President, a frigate of the United States, as hostages.

I am instructed to inform you, that inquiry shall be made into the circumstances attending, and the causes which produced the act, of which you complain; and that such measures will be taken, on a knowledge of them, as may comport with the rights of both nations, and may be proper in the case to which they relate.

I beg you, sir, to be assured that it is the sincere desire of the President to see (and to promote, so far as depends on the United States) that the war which exists between the two countries be conducted with the utmost regard to humanity. I have the honor to be, &c.,

JAMES MONROE.

Sir John B. Warren, Admiral of the Blue,

Commander-in-Chief, &c.

(B.)Washington, Dec. 17, 1812.

Sir: I have the honor to annex a list of twelve of the crew of the late United States sloop of war Wasp, detained by Captain John Beresford, of the British ship Poictiers, under the pretence of their being British subjects.

I have the honor to be, respectfully, sir, your obedient servant,

GEORGE S. WISE, Purser.

Hon. Paul Hamilton, Sec'ry Navy.

[Here follow several other documents, not deemed of material importance, except the following:]

(C.)

Extract of a letter from Major General Pinckney to the Secretary of War, datedHeadquarters, Charleston,November 4, 1812.

"Information having been given upon oath to Lieutenant Grandison, who at present commands in the Naval Department here, that six American seamen, who had been taken prisoners on board of our privateers, had been sent to Jamaica to be tried as British subjects for treason, he called upon the marshal to retain double that number of British seamen as hostages. The marshal, in consequence of instructions from the Department of State, asked my advice on the subject, and I have given my opinion that they ought to be detained until the pleasure of the President shall be known. The testimony of Captain Moon is herewith. I hope, sir, you will have the goodness to have this business put in the proper train to have the President's pleasure on this subject communicated to the marshal."

The Message and documents were, on motion, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

Wednesday, December 23

Another member, to wit, from Louisiana, Thomas Bolling Robertson, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat.

Increase of the Navy

The bill from the Senate to increase the Navy of the United States, was read a third time; and the question, being stated, "Shall the bill pass?"

Mr. McKee spoke at considerable length against its passage, and concluded by moving to postpone it to Monday, with a view to obtaining further information on the subject of the materials, &c.

The motion to postpone was supported by Mr. Alston and Mr. Seybert, and opposed by Mr. Milnor, Mr. Bassett, and Mr. Widgery. The votes were for postponement 51, against it 73.

So the motion was lost.

The question recurring on the passage of the bill,

Mr. Potter said, as he represented a commercial State, and his constituents at present were very anxious for a navy, he felt it his duty to assign his reasons for the vote he was about to give. He said, when he saw his political friends, with only one exception, in favor of the bill under consideration, and the anxious solicitude of the gentleman on the other side of the House for its fate, he felt himself much embarrassed; but while he was by his feelings at times almost impelled to vote in its favor, his judgment compelled him to vote against it.

Mr. P. said his objections to a navy were that it would cost more than ever it would be worth to the nation; that we could not build, man, and support the ships contemplated, in addition to our present establishment, without resorting to the same means for their support as other maritime nations had done; that it must be supported by impression or oppression; we must either impress our citizens to man our Navy, and compel them to serve against their wills for almost nothing, or oppress the nation with taxes not to be endured, to enable the Government to give such wages as would induce our seamen to enter voluntarily into our service. He said it had been observed by the friends of the bill, and particularly by his friend from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Milnor,) that the Navy was at this time very popular with all parties, in this House and the nation; that they had done honor to themselves and to their country, while our army had, in almost every instance, been defeated and disgraced. Mr. P. said we had been very unfortunate in the selection of some of our commanding officers, who had, as it would seem, been appointed more because they wanted office, than because they were qualified for it; some of them were too old, and others too young; but he believed we had as good officers in our Army as we had in the Navy, and whenever the time should arrive that would afford them a fair opportunity, that they would equally distinguish themselves.

Mr. P. said there was a kind of popular delusion at this time about a Navy, that he found difficult to oppose. He said it was at least popular with all those who expected to make money out of it, and with many from the most honorable motives. But he believed, when the people, who were to pay all, and receive nothing, come to see that we had spent for them the last year upwards of twenty millions of dollars, and that notwithstanding all the moneys we had received, by double duties, and otherwise, that we had increased the national debt, in that year, ten millions six hundred thousand dollars, and that we want, for the expenses of the present year, agreeably to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, $31,925,000, exclusive of the expense of the contemplated increase of our Navy, and for losses and war contingencies – that when they should put those sums together, and apportion them to the several States, agreeable to the constitution, and see that but few individuals, and not many States, would have personal property sufficient to pay their proportions – that this delusion as to those who have eventually all this money to pay would at least vanish.

It was likewise said that the spirit of the nation demanded this increase of our Navy. He remembered very well that it was so said on a former occasion, and that the finger of Heaven pointed to war, but it was very soon found that the finger of the people pointed to peace. It was then said, as it is now said, that we were a divided people, and it was necessary to convince foreign nations that we would support our own Government. The then Executive was addressed from all parts of the United States, with pledges of life, fortune, and sacred honor, in support of what he had done, or should do. This was intended to correct the error abroad as to our being a divided people, and for no other purpose. Its object was entirely misunderstood by the then President. He thought they were uneasy and wanted something to steady them. An army was raised, and taxes laid for their benefit; – a navy was provided which did honor to themselves and the nation, that protected our commerce, and caused our flag to be respected in every sea, in consequence of which our revenue continued to increase, notwithstanding all the depredations committed on our commerce, and the nation appeared to be prosperous and happy; but when the people were called upon to test the sincerity of their pledges and promises, by the payment of a tax of only two millions of dollars, they said they had been entirely misunderstood, that those pledges were intended to have an influence abroad, and not for the purpose of trouble at home, and that they would not pay taxes to support a navy or army; and, the first opportunity they had, they changed the Administration. If they would not then pay two millions of dollars, to support that Administration, can they be expected to pay nearly fifty millions for the support of this, for the same purposes?

Mr. P. said this Administration, during the last session of Congress, was addressed from all parts of the Union, and from many of the States in their legislative capacities, promising to support them with their lives, fortunes, and sacred honors, in common form. This perhaps was to have its influence abroad. The Administration, believing them sincere, have been induced to declare war, and are left to carry it on without money. They find that those pledges and promises cost but little, and are worth nothing; and the consequence will be, that when the people are called upon to pay those enormous expenses, the present Administration will share the same fate from them as the former did.

The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Cutts) said the expense of this Navy would swamp the present, as it had done a former Administration; that, Mr. P. said, was a business of their own, it was no concern of his; but if with their means they could not manage the affairs of the nation, with their present experience, having seen the rock on which a former Administration split, they would richly deserve it; his only object was to keep his constituents from being mired down with debt and taxes.

Many gentlemen support this bill upon the principle that this settles the question; that we are to become a great naval power, and to have a permanent Naval Establishment; to this Mr. P. said he objected for the reasons he had assigned; he said he had found mankind much the same: give them power, and they would not only use, but abuse it – give them money, and they will spend it, and want to borrow; and, he said, if an Administration like the present, without money, without an army, or navy, would plunge this country so unprepared into a war, and continue it for the present existing cause, and extend their views of conquest to the Floridas, the Canadas, Quebec, Halifax, and Nova Scotia, whenever they should have money, an army, and ships; the next thing they would want colonies, as other nations had done, and that Bermuda and New Providence would be in our way; and we must have Jamaica to get good rum and sugar. And instead of this country enjoying peace, which is above all things the most desirable, we should be involved like other nations in perpetual war.

Mr. Randolph moved to postpone the further consideration of the bill till to-morrow. – Lost.

So the bill was passed.

Medal to Commodore Preble, &c

The following Message was received from the President of the United States:

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

I transmit to the House of Representatives a report of the Secretary of the Navy, complying with their resolution of the 16th instant.

JAMES MADISON.

December 23, 1812.

The following is the report referred to in the above Message:

Navy Department, Dec. 21, 1812.

Sir: On the subject of the resolution of the honorable the House of Representatives, of the 16th instant, I have the honor to state, that, in pursuance of the resolution of Congress of the 3d March, 1805, a gold medal, emblematical of the attacks on the town, batteries and naval force, of Tripoli, by the squadron under Commodore Preble's command, was presented to Commodore Preble, in the manner stated in the enclosed letter, dated May 17, 1806: That one month's pay was allowed, "exclusive of the common allowance, to all the petty officers, seamen, and marines, of the squadron, who so gloriously supported the honor of the American flag, under the orders of their gallant commander, in the several attacks: " That no sword has been presented to either of the commissioned officers or midshipmen, who distinguished themselves in the several attacks: And that it is not known to this Department that there ever was made by Congress a specific appropriation of $20,000 for the purpose of carrying into effect the resolution referred to.

With respect to that part of the resolution which requests the President to cause a sword to be presented to each of the commissioned officers and midshipmen who distinguished themselves, it is presumed that the President saw what to his mind appeared difficulties of great delicacy, from the peculiar language of the resolution. By the resolution, he was requested to present swords to such only as had distinguished themselves; and all having been represented to him as having acted gloriously, he could not in justice draw with precision a line of discrimination. He felt, it is presumed, a repugnance to the making of a selection, which, by implication, would necessarily have cast an unmerited reproach upon all not therein included. A degradation of that kind might have greatly injured the service, and could not possibly have been grateful to the honorable feelings of the favored officers.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your obedient servant,

PAUL HAMILTON.

To the President.

Navy Department, May 17, 1812

Sir: In pursuance of the resolution of Congress of the 3d March, 1805, requesting the President of the United States to cause a gold medal to be struck, emblematical of the attacks on the town, batteries, and naval force, of Tripoli, by the squadron under your command, and to present it to you in such manner as in his opinion would be most honorable to you, the medal, which will herewith be delivered to you by Lieutenant Jones, has been struck. You will receive it, sir, as a testimony of your country's estimation of the important and honorable services rendered by you; and you will be pleased to accept an assurance of the great pleasure I have in the honor of presenting it to you.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your most obedient servant,

R. SMITH.

To Com. Edward Preble.

From the records of the Navy DepartmentPAUL HAMILTON.

After some conversation as to the proper course for this business to take, it was referred to a select committee, to consist of seven members, to consider and report thereon.

Mr. Quincy, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Roane, Mr. Lacock, Mr. Troup, Mr. Emott, and Mr. Dinsmoor, were appointed the committee.

Monday, December 28

Public Lands – Cash System and Reduction of Price

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the report of the Committee on the Public Lands, made on the second instant, respecting an extension of the time limited by law for the payment of lands purchased of the United States.

The report concludes with the following resolutions, the adoption of which the committee recommend:

"Resolved, That such part of the laws for the sale of public lands as allow a credit on part of the purchase money, be repealed; and that the price at which lands shall be offered in future shall be one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre.

"Resolved, That in future sales a portion of the public lands be offered in tracts of eighty acres.

"Resolved, That two years be given in addition to the time allowed by law to the purchasers of public lands, whose time of payment shall have or may expire on or before the first day of January, 1814, on condition that all the interest that has accrued or may accrue on or before the 18th day of March next, shall be paid at that day, and the interest that may become due thereafter shall be paid at the day on which the time, according to existing laws, shall expire for making payment."

Considerable desultory debate took place on these propositions; but the committee rose without coming to any decision thereon, and obtained leave to sit again.

Tuesday, December 29

Additional Military Force

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill "supplementary to the act for the more perfect organization of the Army of the United States," and on the bill "in addition to the act for raising an additional military force."

The bills having been read through, a motion was made by Mr. David R. Williams to fill the blanks in the first bill, for the amount of bounty, &c., and the question having been stated —

Mr. D. R. Williams said, the embarrassment which he felt on the present occasion, was not of an ordinary kind; he was so solemnly impressed with the importance of the subject before the committee, he was fearful its success might, in some degree, depend on his efforts to sustain it; and, feeling that the interest, perhaps the character of his country, might be committed by the decision, he was humbled that its cause could not by him be more ably supported. He felt, however, some confidence from the circumstance that the Military Committee was entitled to the candor of the House, because it had not presented mere fragments, to be acted on in detail, but a system on which to rest the future prosecution of the war. An explanation of its merits, from the relation in which he stood to that committee, was probably expected of him.

Without going back to the unavoidable and just causes of the war in which we were engaged, he would presume it was the object of all to terminate it successfully, and that there now remained no other mode than to call into the field a force adequate to the command of every honorable object. The force was abundant throughout the community, to secure, if directed with skill, spirit, and enterprise, our defence everywhere; and, by offence, to make the enemy feel it had become his interest to abstain from plunder and oppression.

The character of our Government had been so depressed in Europe, not more by foreign than domestic misrepresentation, as much even within these walls as without them, it had become necessary to make war to place our backs against the wall and prove to European marauders there is a point beyond which we will not recede. This good the war has accomplished; but it has become more than ever necessary to prove that we will not only declare war, but can prosecute it with energy and courageous enterprise. The honor, the character of the nation, require that the British power on our borders shall be demolished in the next campaign – her American provinces once wrested from her, every attempt to recover them will be chimerical, except through negotiation. The road to peace then lies through Canada. When we shall once be in possession of it, peace, honorable peace, the sole object of us all, is secured. But some gentlemen affect a sympathy for the Canadians – why, say they, will you make war on them? They have not injured us. Nor, sir, has the British tar injured us, although he is the instrument of plunder and impressment. It is to conquer the sovereignty of the soil, to raze the British power, to reach, by such means, her profligate and unjust ministry, that war is waged at all – the unarmed will never fall on American bayonets; it is not against the people of either Canada or Great Britain, but against the English subject in arms, that the war is directed. By physical force then alone can we proceed.

Having shown the necessity of augmenting the regular forces, it was equally material to provide for filling the ranks, and for keeping them at their full complement when filled. With this view was the 1st section introduced. The greatest evil, incident to the recruiting service, results from the number of persons to whom the public money was necessarily distributed; in proportion to the number of persons with whom it is intrusted, will be its misapplication. To remedy this it is proposed to appoint officers to each regiment, for that particular purpose, in no way different from those already appointed, who shall be employed in recruiting for their respective regiments; these to be under the order of a major, who shall receive and be accountable for the issue of money and clothes for that service. The ranks filled, the presence of all the officers on the present establishment will be indispensable, as in our service the proportion of privates to the officers is greater than in any other service whatever. The new organization which was given to the Army at the last session increased the number of privates in each company, without a corresponding increase of officers. If two lieutenants were necessary in a company, for the purpose of discipline and recruiting, when it consisted of only sixty-four privates, assuredly three are as much so now it is raised to ninety. The recruits, as fast as they are enlisted, may be concentrated under the eye of the major, where they may be exercised and drilled, so that when he joins the regiment, they will be qualified to enter the ranks and face the enemy.