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Osceola the Seminole: or, The Red Fawn of the Flower Land
But the incident had its most important bearings upon the Indians, especially upon Omatla’s own people. Terrified by the example, and dreading lest similar retribution might be extended to themselves, many of Omatla’s tribe – sub-chiefs and warriors – forsook their alliance, and enrolled themselves in the ranks of the patriots. Other clans that had hitherto remained undecided, acting under similar motives, now declared their allegiance to the national will, and took up arms without further hesitation.
The death of Omatla, besides being an act of stern justice, was a stroke of fine policy on the part of the hostile Indians. It proved the genius of him who had conceived and carried it into execution.
Omatla was the first victim of Osceola’s vow of vengeance. Soon after appeared the second. It was not long before the tragedy of the traitor’s death was eclipsed by another, far more thrilling and significant. One of the chief actors in this drama disappears from the stage.
On our arrival at the fort, it was found that the commissariat was rapidly running short. No provision had been made for so large a body of troops, and no supplies could possibly reach Fort King for a long period of time. We were to be the victims of the usual improvidence exhibited by governments not accustomed to warlike operations. Rations were stinted to the verge of starvation; and the prospect before us began to look very like starvation itself.
In this emergency, the commander-in-chief performed an act of great patriotism. Independent of his military command, General Clinch was a citizen of Florida – a proprietor and planter upon a large scale. His fine plantation lay at a short distance from Fort King. His crop of maize, covering nearly a hundred acres, was just ripening; and this, without more ado, was rationed out to the army.
Instead of bringing the commissariat to the troops, the reverse plan was adopted; and the troops were marched upon their food – which had yet to be gathered before being eaten.
Four-fifths of the little army were thus withdrawn from the fort, leaving rather a weak garrison; while a new stockade was extemporised on the general’s plantation, under the title of “Fort Drane.”
There were slanderous people who insinuated that in this curious matter the good old general was moved by other motives than those of mere patriotism. There was some talk about “Uncle Sam” – well-known as a solvent and liberal paymaster – being called upon to give a good price for the general’s corn; besides, so long as an army bivouacked upon his plantation, no danger need be apprehended from the Indian incendiaries. Perhaps these insinuations were but the conceits of camp satire.
I was not among those transferred to the new station; I was not a favourite with the commander-in-chief, and no longer upon his staff. My duties kept me at Fort King, where the commissioner also remained.
The days passed tamely enough – whole weeks of them. An occasional visit to Camp Drane was a relief to the monotony of garrison-life, but this was a rare occurrence. The fort had been shorn of its strength, and was too weak for us to go much beyond its walls. It was well-known that the Indians were in arms. Traces of their presence had been observed near the post; and a hunting excursion, or even a romantic saunter in the neighbouring woods – the usual resources of a frontier station – could not have been made without some peril.
During this period I observed that the commissioner was very careful in his outgoings and incomings. He rarely passed outside the stockade, and never beyond the line of sentries. Whenever he looked in the direction of the woods, or over the distant savanna, a shadow of distrust appeared to overspread his features, as though he was troubled with an apprehension of danger. This was after the death of the traitor chief. He had heard of Osceola’s vow to kill Omatla; perhaps he had also heard that the oath extended to himself; perhaps he was under the influence of a presentiment.
Christmas came round. At this season, wherever they may be found – whether amid the icy bergs of the north, or on the hot plains of the tropic – on board ship, within the walls of a fortress – ay, even in a prison – Christians incline to merry-making. The frontier post is no exception to the general rule; and Fort King was a continued scene of festivities. The soldiers were released from duty – alone the sentinels were kept to their posts; and, with such fare as could be procured, backed by liberal rations of “Monongahela,” the week passed cheerily enough.
A “sutler” in the American army is generally a thriving adventurer – with the officers liberal both of cash and credit – and, on festive occasions, not unfrequently their associate and boon companion. Such was he, the sutler, at Fort King.
On one of the festal days, he had provided a sumptuous dinner – no one about the fort so capable – to which the officers were invited – the commissioner himself being the honoured guest.
The banquet was set out in the sutler’s own house, which, as already mentioned, stood outside the stockade, several hundred yards off, and near to the edge of the woods.
The dinner was over, and most of the officers had returned within the fort, where – as it was now getting near night – it was intended the smoking and wine-drinking should be carried on.
The commissioner, with half a dozen others – officers and civilian visitors – still lingered to enjoy another glass under the hospitable roof where they had eaten their dinner.
I was among those who went back within the fort.
We had scarcely settled down in our seats, when we were startled by a volley of sharp cracks, which the ear well knew to be the reports of rifles. At the same instant was heard that wild intonation, easily distinguishable from the shouting of civilised men – the war-cry of the Indians!
We needed no messenger to inform us what the noises meant: the enemy was upon the ground, and had made an attack – we fancied upon the fort itself.
We rushed into the open air, each arming himself as best he could.
Once outside, we saw that the fort was not assailed; but upon looking over the stockade, we perceived that the house of the sutler was surrounded by a crowd of savages, plumed and painted in full fighting costume. They were in quick motion, rushing from point to point, brandishing their weapons, and yelling the Yo-ho-ehee.
Straggling shots were still heard as the fatal gun was pointed at some victim endeavouring to escape. The gates of the fort were standing wide open, and soldiers, who had been strolling outside, now rushed through, uttering shouts of terror as they passed in.
The sutler’s house was at too great a distance for the range of musketry. Some shots were discharged by the sentries and others who chanced to be armed, but the bullets fell short.
The artillerists ran to their guns; but on reaching these, it was found that the stables – a row of heavy log-houses – stood directly in the range of the sutler’s house – thus sheltering the enemy from the aim of the gunners.
All at once the shouting ceased, and the crowd of dusky warriors was observed moving off towards the woods.
In a few seconds they had disappeared among the trees – vanishing, as if by magic, from our sight.
He who commanded at the fort – an officer slow of resolve – now mustered the garrison, and ventured a sortie. It extended only to the house of the sutler, where a halt was made, while we contemplated the horrid scene.
The sutler himself, two young officers, several soldiers and civilians, lay upon the floor dead, each with many wounds.
Conspicuous above all was the corpse of the commissioner. He was lying upon his back, his face covered with gore, and his uniform torn and bloody. Sixteen bullets had been fired into his body; and a wound more terrible than all was observed over the left breast. It was the gash made by a knife, whose blade had passed through his heart.
I could have guessed who gave that wound, even without the living testimony that was offered on the spot. A negress – the cook – who had concealed herself behind a piece of furniture, now came forth from her hiding-place. She had been witness of all. She was acquainted with the person of Osceola. It was he who had conducted the tragedy; he had been the last to leave the scene; and before taking his departure, the negress had observed him give that final stab – no doubt in satisfaction of the deadly vow he had made.
After some consultation, a pursuit was determined upon, and carried out with considerable caution; but, as before, it proved fruitless: as before, even the track by which the enemy had retreated could not be discovered!
Chapter Sixty Five
“Dade’s Massacre.”
This melancholy finale to the festivities of Christmas was, if possible, rendered more sad by a rumour that shortly after reached Fort King. It was the rumour of an event, which has since become popularly known as “Dade’s massacre.”
The report was brought by an Indian runner – belonging to one of the friendly clans – but the statements made were of so startling a character, that they were at first received with a cry of incredulity.
Other runners, however, continuously arriving, confirmed the account of the first messenger, until his story – tragically improbable as it appeared – was accepted as truth. It was true in all its romantic colouring; true in all its sanguinary details. The war had commenced in real earnest, inaugurated by a conflict of the most singular kind – singular both in character and result.
An account of this battle is perhaps of sufficient interest to be given.
In the early part of this narrative, it has been mentioned that an officer of the United States army gave out the vaunt that he “could march through all the Seminole reserve with only a corporal’s guard at his back.” That officer was Major Dade.
It was the destiny of Major Dade to find an opportunity for giving proof of his warlike prowess – though with something more than a corporal’s guard at his back. The result was a sad contrast to the boast he had so thoughtlessly uttered.
To understand this ill-fated enterprise, it is necessary to say a word topographically of the country.
On the west coast of the peninsula of Florida is a bay called “Tampa” – by the Spaniards, “Espiritu Santo.” At the head of this bay was erected “Fort Brooke” – a stockade similar to Fort King, and lying about ninety miles from the latter, in a southerly direction. It was another of those military posts established in connection with the Indian reserve – a dépôt for troops and stores – also an entrepôt for such as might arrive from the ports of the Mexican gulf.
About two hundred soldiers were stationed here at the breaking out of hostilities. They were chiefly artillery, with a small detachment of infantry.
Shortly after the fruitless council at Fort King, these troops – or as many of them as could be spared – were ordered by General Clinch to proceed to the latter place, and unite with the main body of the army.
In obedience to these orders, one hundred men with their quota of officers, were set in motion for Fort King. Major Dade commanded the detachment.
On the eve of Christmas, 1835, they had taken the route, marching out from Fort Brooke in high spirits, buoyant with the hope of encountering and winning laurels in a fight with the Indian foe. They flattered themselves that it would be the first conflict of the war, and therefore, that in which the greatest reputation would be gained by the victors. They dreamt not of defeat.
With flags flying gaily, drums rolling merrily, bugles sounding the advance, cannon pealing their farewell salute, and comrades cheering them onwards, the detachment commenced its march – that fatal march from which it was destined never to return.
Just seven days after – on the 31st of December – a man made his appearance at the gates of Fort Brooke, crawling upon his hands and knees. In his tattered attire could scarcely be recognised the uniform of a soldier – a private of Dade’s detachment – for such he was. His clothes were saturated with water from the creeks, and soiled with mud from the swamps. They were covered with dust, and stained with blood. His body was wounded in five places – severe wounds all – one in the right shoulder, one in the right thigh, one near the temple, one in the left arm, and another in the back. He was wan, wasted, emaciated to the condition of a skeleton, and presented the aspect of one. When, in a weak, trembling voice, he announced himself as “Private Clark of the 2nd Artillery,” his old comrades had with difficulty identified him.
Shortly after, two others – privates Sprague and Thomas – made their appearance in a similar plight. Their report was similar to that already delivered by Clark: that Major Dade’s command had been attacked by the Indians, cut to pieces, massacred to a man – that they themselves were the sole survivors of that band who had so lately gone forth from the fort in all the pride of confident strength, and the hopeful anticipation of glory.
And their story was true to the letter. Of all the detachment, these three miserable remnants of humanity alone escaped; the others – one hundred and six in all – had met death on the banks of the Amazura. Instead of the laurel, they had found the cypress.
The three who escaped had been struck down and left for dead upon the field. It was only by counterfeiting death, they had succeeded in afterwards crawling from the ground, and making their way back to the fort. Most of this journey Clark performed upon his hands and knees, proceeding at the rate of a mile to the hour, over a distance of more than sixty miles!
Chapter Sixty Six
The Battle-Ground
The affair of Dade’s massacre is without a parallel in the history of Indian warfare. No conflict of a similar kind had ever occurred – at least, none so fatal to the whites engaged in it. In this case they suffered complete annihilation – for, of the three wounded men who had escaped, two of them shortly after died of their wounds.
Nor had the Indians any great advantage over their antagonists, beyond that of superior cunning and strategy.
It was near the banks of the Amazura (“Ouithlacoochee” of the Seminoles), and after crossing that stream, that Major Dade’s party had been attacked. The assault was made in ground comparatively open – a tract of pine-woods, where the trees grew thin and straggling – so that the Indians had in reality no great advantage either from position or intrenchment. Neither has it been proved that they were greatly superior in numbers to the troops they destroyed – not more than two to one; and this proportion in most Indian wars has been considered by their white antagonists as only “fair odds.”
Many of the Indians appeared upon the ground mounted; but these remained at a distance from the fire of the musketry; and only those on foot took part in the action. Indeed, their conquest was so soon completed, that the horsemen were not needed. The first fire was so deadly, that Dade’s followers were driven into utter confusion. They were unable to retreat: the mounted Indians had already outflanked them, and cut off their chance of escape.
Dade himself, with most of his officers, fell at the first volley; and the survivors had no choice but fight it out on the ground. A breastwork was attempted – by felling trees, and throwing their trunks into a triangle – but the hot fire from the Indian rifles soon checked the progress of the work; and the parapet never rose even breast-high above the ground. Into this insecure shelter the survivors of the first attack retreated, and there fell rapidly under the well-aimed missiles of their foes. In a short while the last man lay motionless; and the slaughter was at an end.
When the place was afterwards visited by our troops, this triangular inclosure was found, filled with dead bodies – piled upon one another, just as they had fallen – crosswise, lengthways, in every attitude of death!
It was afterwards noised abroad that the Indians had inhumanly tortured the wounded, and horribly mutilated the slain. This was not true. There were no wounded left to be tortured – except the three who escaped – and as for the mutilation, but one or two instances of this occurred – since known to have been the work of runaway negroes actuated by motives of personal revenge.
Some scalps were taken; but this is the well-known custom of Indian warfare; and white men ere now have practised the fashion, while under the frenzied excitement of battle.
I was one of those who afterwards visited the battle-ground on a tour of inspection, ordered by the commander-in-chief; and the official report of that tour is the best testimony as to the behaviour of the victors. It reads as follows:
“Major Dade and his party were destroyed on the morning of the 28th of December, about four miles from their camp of the preceding night. They were advancing in column of route when they were attacked by the enemy, who rose in a swarm out of the cover of long grass and palmettoes. The Indians suddenly appeared close to their files. Muskets were clubbed, knives and bayonets used, and parties clenched in deadly conflict. In the second attack, our own men’s muskets, taken from the dead and wounded, were used against them; a cross-fire cut down a succession of artillerists, when the cannon were taken, the carriages broken and burned, and the guns rolled into a pond. Many negroes were in the field; but no scalps were taken by the Indians. On the other hand, the negroes, with hellish cruelty, pierced the throats of all whose cries or groans shewed that there was still life in them.”
Another official report runs thus:
We approached the battle-field from the rear. Our advanced guard had passed the ground without halting when the commanding officer and his staff came upon one of the most appalling scenes that can be imagined. We first saw some broken and scattered boxes; then a cart, the two oxen of which were lying dead, as if they had fallen asleep, their yokes still on them: a little to the right, one or two horses were seen. We next came to a small inclosure, made by felling trees, in such a manner as to form a triangular breastwork. Within the triangle – along the north and west faces of it – were about thirty bodies, mostly mere skeletons, although much of the clothing was left upon them. They were lying in the positions they must have occupied during the fight. Some had fallen over their dead comrades, but most of them lay close to the logs, with their heads turned towards the breastwork, over which they had delivered their fire, and their bodies stretched with striking regularity parallel to each other. They had evidently been shot dead at their posts, and the Indians had not disturbed them, except by taking the scalps of some – which, it is said, was done by their negro allies. The officers were all easily recognised. Some still wore their rings and breastpins, and money was found in their pockets! The bodies of eight officers and ninety-eight men were interred.
“It may be proper to observe that the attack was not made from a hommock, but in a thinly-wooded country – the Indians being concealed by palmettoes and grass.”
From this report, it appears that the Indians were fighting – not for plunder, not even from motives of diabolical revenge. Their motive was higher and purer – it was the defence of their country – of their hearths and homes.
The advantage they had over the troop of Major Dade was simply that of ambush and surprise. This officer, though a man of undoubted gallantry, was entirely wanting in those qualities necessary to a leader – especially one engaged against such a foe. He was a mere book-soldier – as most officers are – lacking the genius which enables the great military chieftain to adapt himself to the circumstances that surround him. He conducted the march of his detachment as if going upon parade; and by so doing he carried it into danger and subsequent destruction.
But if the commander of the whites in this fatal affair was lacking in military capacity, the leader of the Indians was not. It soon became known that he who planned the ambush and conducted it to such a sanguinary and successful issue, was the young chief of the Baton Rouge – Osceola.
He could not have stayed long upon the ground to enjoy his triumph. It was upon that same evening, at Fort King – forty miles distant from the scene of Dade’s massacre – that the commissioner fell before his vow of vengeance!
Chapter Sixty Seven
The Battle of “Ouithlacoochee.”
The murder of the commissioner called for some act of prompt retribution. Immediately after its occurrence, several expresses had been dispatched by different routes to Camp Drane – some of whom fell into the hands of the enemy, while the rest arrived safely with the news.
By daybreak of the following morning the army, more than a thousand strong, was in motion; and marching towards the Amazura. The avowed object of this expedition was to strike a blow at the families of the hostile Indians – their fathers and mothers, their wives, sisters and children – whose lurking-place amidst the fastnesses of the great swamp – the “Cove” – had become known to the general. It was intended they should be captured, if possible, and held as hostages until the warriors could be induced to surrender.
With all others who could be spared from the fort, I was ordered to accompany the expedition, and accordingly joined it upon the march. From the talk I heard around me, I soon discovered the sentiment of the soldiery. They had but little thought of making captives. Exasperated by what had taken place at the fort – further exasperated by what they called “Dade’s massacre,” I felt satisfied that they would not stay to take prisoners – old men or young men, women or children, all would alike be slain – no quarter would be given.
I was sick even at the prospect of such a wholesale carnage as was anticipated. Anticipated, I say, for all confidently believed it would take place. The hiding-place of these unfortunate families had become known – there were guides conducting us thither who knew the very spot – how could we fail to reach it?
An easy surprise was expected. Information had been received that the warriors, or most of them, were absent upon another and more distant expedition, and in a quarter where we could not possibly encounter them. We were to make a descent upon the nest in the absence of the eagles; and with this intent the army was conducted by silent and secret marches.
But the day before, our expedition would have appeared easy enough – a mere exciting frolic, without peril of any kind; but the news of Dade’s defeat had produced a magical effect upon the spirits of the soldiers, and whilst it exasperated, it had also cowed them. For the first time, they began to feel something like a respect for their foe, mingled perhaps with a little dread of him. The Indians, at least, knew how to kill.
This feeling increased as fresh messengers came in from the scene of Dade’s conflict, bringing new details of that sanguinary affair. It was not without some apprehension, then, that the soldier marched onwards, advancing into the heart of the enemy’s country; and even the reckless volunteer kept close in the ranks as he rode silently along.
About mid-day we reached the banks of the Amazura. The stream had to be crossed before the Cove could be reached, for the vast network of swamps and lagoons bearing this name extended from the opposite side.
A ford had been promised the general, but the guides were at fault – no crossing-place could be found. At the point where we reached it, the river ran past, broad, black, and deep – too deep to be waded even by our horses.
Were the guides playing traitor, and misleading us? It certainly began to assume that appearance; but no – it could not be. They were Indians, it is true, but well proved in their devotion to the whites. Besides, they were men compromised with the national party – doomed to death by their own people – our defeat would have been their ruin.
It was not treason, as shewn afterwards – they had simply been deceived by the trails, and had gone the wrong way.
It was fortunate for us they had done so! But for this mistake of the guides, the army of General Clinch might have been called upon to repeat on a larger scale the drama so lately enacted by Dade and his companions.