The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9)

There never has been a situation of the world before, in which such endeavors as we have made would not have secured our peace. It is probable there never will be such another. If we go to war now, I fear we may renounce forever the hope of seeing an end of our national debt. If we can keep at peace eight years longer, our income, liberated from death, will be adequate to any war, without new taxes or loans, and our position and increasing strength put us hors d'insulte from any nation. I am now so near the moment of retiring, that I take no part in affairs beyond the expression of an opinion. I think it fair that my successor should now originate those measures of which he will be charged with the execution and responsibility, and that it is my duty to clothe them with the forms of authority. Five weeks more will relieve me from a drudgery to which I am no longer equal, and restore me to a scene of tranquillity, amidst my family and friends, more congenial to my age and natural inclinations. In that situation, it will always be a pleasure to me to see you, and to repeat to you the assurances of my constant friendship and respect.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SEVIER

Washington, January 31, 1809.

Sir,—The extraordinary and critical situation of our foreign relations rendering it necessary, in the opinion of the National Legislature, that their next recess should be short, they have passed an act for meeting on the fourth Monday of May, of which I enclose you a copy. As the election of representatives for the State of Tennessee would not, in the ordinary course, be in time for this meeting, I have thought it my duty to make you a special communication of this law. That every State should be represented in the great council of the nation, is not only the interest of each, but of the whole united, who have a right to be aided by the collective wisdom and information of the whole, in questions which are to decide on their future well-being. I trust that your Excellency will deem it incumbent on you to call an immediate meeting of your legislature, in order to put it in their power to fulfil this high duty, by making special and timely provision for the representation of their State at the ensuing meeting of Congress; to which measures I am bound earnestly to exhort yourself and them. I am not insensible of the personal inconvenience of this special call to the members composing the legislature of so extensive a State; but neither will I do them the injustice to doubt their being ready to make much greater sacrifices for the common safety, should the course of events still lead to a call for them. I tender to your Excellency the assurances of my high respect and consideration.

TO M. AMELOT DE LA CROIX, BOSTON

Washington, February 3, 1809.

Sir,—I received in due time your favor of December 28th, covering the tragedy of the unfortunate Louis XVI., and I am sure you are too reasonable not to have ascribed the delay of answer which has intervened, to its true cause, the never-ceasing pressure of business which cannot be deferred. I have read the piece with great satisfaction. I recognize in Louis that purity of virtue and sincere patriotism which I knew made a part of his real character. The sound good sense and exalted sentiments he is made to utter, were proper to his character, whether actually a part of it or not. I say nothing of style, not doubting its merit, and conscious I am no judge of it in a foreign language. I believe it impossible, in any but our native tongue, to be so thoroughly sensible of the delicacy of style, which constitutes an essential merit in poetical composition, as to criticise them with correctness.

I wish that, in the prefatory piece, the character which is the subject of it, did not fall still further short of its representation than that of the principal personage in the main piece. I have never claimed any other merit than of good intentions, sensible that in the choice of measures, error of judgment has too often had its influence; and with whatever indulgence my countrymen as well as yourself, have been so kind as to view my course, yet they would certainly not know me in the picture here drawn, and would, I fear, say in the words of the poet, "Praise undeserved is satire in disguise." Were, therefore, the piece to be prepared for the press, I should certainly entreat you to revise that part with a severe eye.

I believe I mentioned to you, on a former occasion, that the late act of Congress for raising additional troops required that the officers should all be citizens of the United States. Should there be war, however, I am persuaded this policy must be abandoned, and that we must avail ourselves of the experience of other nations, in certain lines of service at least. In that expectation I shall leave with my successor the papers in my possession, from which he may be sensible of the benefits he may receive from your aid.

I pray you to accept my salutations and assurances of respect.

TO CAPTAIN ARMISTEAD T. MASON

Washington, February 3d, 1809.

Sir,—Your letter of January 7th came to my hand on the 23d only of that month, since which the pressure of business which could not be delayed, has prevented my sooner acknowledging its receipt. The offer of service therein made by the subscribing members of the troop of cavalry, attached to the 57th regiment of Virginia militia under your command, is worthy of that ardent love of our country which, I am persuaded, will distinguish its citizens, whenever its wrongs shall call them to the field. I tender, therefore, to the subscribing officers and members of the troop that acknowledgment of their merit which is so justly due. At the same time, I must observe that, considering their offer of service as made under the law of 1808, the power of accepting it is thereby given to the governor of the State, to whom their address for acceptance is of course to be made. A bill for raising a body of volunteers is now on its progress through Congress. Should that be passed, which will soon be known, it may perhaps be more eligible for the subscribing members to place themselves under the conditions of that law. I pray you to accept, for them and yourself, the assurances of my esteem and respect.

TO CAPTAIN ARMISTEAD T. MASON

Washington, February 3d, 1809.

Sir,—I enclose you a letter in answer to that in which you offer the services of the subscribing members of your troop of cavalry. I make this separate and private answer to the very friendly letter addressed to me in your own name only, and which accompanied the former. The relation which you bear to my most valued and worthy friend Stevens T. Mason, gives you a just title to communicate your wishes to me, and will insure to you any services I can render you. The time of my continuance in office is now so short, that it will scarcely fall to my lot to be useful to you, but I shall leave your letter in the hands of my successor, than whom nobody cherishes more the memory of your father. If the bill mentioned in my other letter passes, there will be little difficulty in your obtaining appointment. The engagements that proposes are to be for one year from the time the volunteers are called on, which will not be till war is declared, or inevitable, and from that corps a transfer will be easy into the regular troops, which in that case will be to be raised.

I am happy in every testimony from my fellow citizens, that my conduct in the discharge of my duties to them, has given them satisfaction. Accept my thanks for the very kind terms in which you have been pleased to express your dispositions towards myself, and with a request that you will be so good as to present my high respects to Mrs. Mason, with whom I have had the happiness of some acquaintance, I salute you with friendship and esteem.

TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH

Washington, February 7, 1809.

Dear Sir,—I thought Congress had taken their ground firmly for continuing their embargo till June, and then war. But a sudden and unaccountable revolution of opinion took place the last week, chiefly among the New England and New York members, and in a kind of panic they voted the 4th of March for removing the embargo, and by such a majority as gave all reason to believe they would not agree either to war or non-intercourse. This, too, was after we had become satisfied that the Essex Junto had found their expectation desperate, of inducing the people there to either separation or forcible opposition. The majority of Congress, however, has now rallied to the removing the embargo on the 4th of March, non-intercourse with France and Great Britain, trade everywhere else, and continuing war preparations. The further details are not yet settled, but I believe it is perfectly certain that the embargo will be taken off the 4th of March. Present my warmest affections to my dearest Martha, and the young ones, and accept the assurances of them to yourself.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR TYLER

Washington, February 16, 1809.

Sir,—I have duly received your favor of the 11th, covering resolutions of the General Assembly of Virginia on our foreign relations, and an address to myself, on my approaching retirement; and I ask leave, through the same channel, to return the enclosed answer. Nothing can give me more sincere satisfaction than this kind and honorable testimony from the General Assembly of my native State,—a State in which I have drawn my first and shall draw my latest breath, and to which I retire with inexpressible pleasure. I am equally sensible of your goodness, in the approving terms in which you have made this communication. The concurrence of a veteran patriot, who from the first dawn of the revolution to this day has pursued unchangeably the same honest course, cannot but be flattering to his fellow laborers. I pray you to accept the assurances of my sincere esteem and respect.

TO MR. STODDART

Washington, February 18, 1809.

Sir,—Your favor of January 25th had been duly received, and I was waiting in the hope I might find a moment of less pressure in which I might answer it somewhat in detail, when that of the 14th inst. came to hand. Finding that, instead of any relaxation of business, it crowds more on me as I approach my departure, I can only indulge myself in a very brief reply. As to the rights of the United States as a neutral power, our opinions are very different, mine being that when two nations go to war, it does not abridge the rights of neutral nations but in the two articles of blockade and contraband of war. But on this subject we have both probably read and thought so much as to have made up our minds, and it is not likely that either can make a convert of the other. With respect to the interests of the United States in this exuberant commerce which is now bringing war on us, we concur perfectly. It brings us into collision with other powers in every sea, and will force us into every war of the European powers. The converting this great agricultural country into a city of Amsterdam,—a mere head-quarters for carrying on the commerce of all nations with one another, is too absurd. Yet this is the real object of the drawback system,—it enriches a few individuals, but lessens the stock of native productions, by withdrawing from them all the hands thus employed; it is essentially interesting to us to have shipping and seamen enough to carry our surplus produce to market; but beyond that, I do not think we are bound to give it encouragement by drawbacks or other premiums. I wish you may be right in supposing that the trading States would now be willing to give up the drawbacks, and to denationalize all ships taking foreign articles on board for any other destination than the United States, on being secured by discriminating duties, or otherwise in the exclusive carryage of the produce of the United States. I should doubt it. Were such a proposition to come from them, I presume it would meet with little difficulty. Otherwise, I suppose it must wait till peace, when the right of drawback will be less valued than the exclusive carryage of our own produce.

No apology was necessary for the letters you were so kind as to write me on this subject. I have always received with thankfulness the ideas of judicious persons on subjects interesting to the public. In the present case, I thought I should better fulfil your objects by communicating your letters to my successor, to whose views I have thought it my duty to give the lead, ever since his designation, as to all matters which he would have to execute. Nothing will probably be done on this subject in the few days between this and my retirement; and in that situation I shall certainly divorce myself from all part in political affairs. To get rid of them is the principal object of my retirement, and the first thing necessary to the happiness which, you justly observe, it is in vain to look for in any other situation. I pray you to accept my salutations, and assurances of respect.

TO JOHN HOLLINS

Washington, February 19, 1809.

Dear Sir,—A little transaction of mine, as innocent a one as I ever entered into, and where an improper construction was never less expected, is making some noise, I observe, in your city. I beg leave to explain it to you, because I mean to ask your agency in it. The last year, the Agricultural Society of Paris, of which I am a member, having had a plough presented to them, which, on trial with a graduated instrument, did equal work with half the force of their best ploughs, they thought it would be a benefit to mankind to communicate it. They accordingly sent one to me, with a view to its being made known here, and they sent one to the Duke of Bedford also, who is one of their members, to be made use of for England, although the two nations were then at war. By the Mentor, now going to France, I have given permission to two individuals in Delaware and New York, to import two parcels of Merino sheep from France, which they have procured there, and to some gentlemen in Boston, to import a very valuable machine which spins cotton, wool, and flax equally. The last spring, the Society informed me they were cultivating the cotton of the Levant and other parts of the Mediterranean, and wished to try also that of our southern States. I immediately got a friend to have two tierces of seed forwarded to me. They were consigned to Messrs. Falls and Brown of Baltimore, and notice of it being given me, I immediately wrote to them to re-ship them to New York, to be sent by the Mentor. Their first object was to make a show of my letter, as something very criminal, and to carry the subject into the newspapers. I had, on a like request, some time ago, (but before the embargo,) from the President of the Board of Agriculture of London, of which I am also a member, to send them some of the genuine May wheat of Virginia, forwarded to them two or three barrels of it. General Washington, in his time, received from the same Society the seed of the perennial succory, which Arthur Young had carried over from France to England, and I have since received from a member of it the seed of the famous turnip of Sweden, now so well known here. I mention these things, to show the nature of the correspondence which is carried on between societies instituted for the benevolent purpose of communicating to all parts of the world whatever useful is discovered in any one of them. These societies are always in peace, however their nations may be at war. Like the republic of letters, they form a great fraternity spreading over the whole earth, and their correspondence is never interrupted by any civilized nation. Vaccination has been a late and remarkable instance of the liberal diffusion of a blessing newly discovered. It is really painful, it is mortifying, to be obliged to note these things, which are known to every one who knows anything, and felt with approbation by every one who has any feeling. But we have a faction, to whose hostile passions the torture even of right into wrong is a delicious gratification. Their malice I have long learned to disregard, their censure to deem praise. But I observe that some republicans are not satisfied (even while we are receiving liberally from others) that this small return should be made. They will think more justly at another day; but, in the meantime, I wish to avoid offence. My prayer to you, therefore, is, that you will be so good, under the enclosed order, as to receive these two tierces of seed from Falls and Brown, and pay them their disbursements for freight, &c., which I will immediately remit you on knowing the amount. Of the seed, when received, be so good as to make manure for your garden. When rotted with a due mixture of stable manure or earth, it is the best in the world. I rely on your friendship to excuse this trouble, it being necessary I should not commit myself again to persons of whose honor, or the want of it, I know nothing.

Accept the assurances of my constant esteem and respect.

TO M. GREGOIRE, EVEQUE ET SENATEUR A PARIS

Washington, February 25, 1809.

Sir,—I have received the favor of your letter of August 17th, and with it the volume you were so kind as to send me on the "Literature of Negroes." Be assured that no person living wishes more sincerely than I do, to see a complete refutation of the doubts I have myself entertained and expressed on the grade of understanding allotted to them by nature, and to find that in this respect they are on a par with ourselves. My doubts were the result of personal observation on the limited sphere of my own State, where the opportunities for the development of their genius were not favorable, and those of exercising it still less so. I expressed them therefore with great hesitation; but whatever be their degree of talent it is no measure of their rights. Because Sir Isaac Newton was superior to others in understanding, he was not therefore lord of the person or property of others. On this subject they are gaining daily in the opinions of nations, and hopeful advances are making towards their re-establishment on an equal footing with the other colors of the human family. I pray you therefore to accept my thanks for the many instances you have enabled me to observe of respectable intelligence in that race of men, which cannot fail to have effect in hastening the day of their relief; and to be assured of the sentiments of high and just esteem and consideration which I tender to yourself with all sincerity.

TO M. RUELLE, ANCIEN AGENT DIPLOMATIQUE, RUE D'ARGENTINE, NO. 38, A PARIS

Washington, February 25, 1809.

Sir,—I have duly received your favors of May 29th and July 11th, and with this last a copy of your Constitution with the new augmentations. Our usages not permitting me to present it formally to the Legislature of the nation, I have deposited it in their library, where all its members will have an opportunity of profiting of its truths, and it will be, as you desire, in a depôt beyond the reach of violence. No interests are dearer to men than those which ought to be secured to them by their form of government, and none deserve better of them than those who contribute to the amelioration of that form. The consciousness of having deserved well of mankind for your endeavors to be useful to them in this line, will be itself a high reward, to which will be added the homage of those who shall have reaped the benefits of them. I ask permission on my part to tender you the assurances of my esteem and great respect.

TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH

Washington, February 28, 1809.

My Dear Sir,—By yesterday's mail I learn that it would be the desire of many of the good citizens of our country to meet me on the road on my return home, as a manifestation of their good will. But it is quite impossible for me to ascertain the day on which I shall leave this. The accumulated business at the close of a session will prevent my making any preparation for my departure till after the 4th of March. After that, the arrangement of papers and business to be delivered over to my successor, the winding up my own affairs, and clearing out from this place, will employ me for several days, (I cannot conjecture even how many,) so as to render the commencement, and consequently the termination of my journey, altogether uncertain. But it is a sufficient happiness to me to know that my fellow-citizens of the country generally entertain for me the kind sentiments which have prompted this proposition, without giving to so many the trouble of leaving their homes to meet a single individual. I shall have opportunities of taking them individually by the hand at our court-house and other public places, and of exchanging assurances of mutual esteem. Certainly it is the greatest consolation to me to know, that in returning to the bosom of my native country, I shall be again in the midst of their kind affections: and I can say with truth that my return to them will make me happier than I have been since I left them. Nothing will be wanting on my part to merit the continuance of their good will. The House of Representatives passed yesterday, by a vote of 81 to 40, the bill from the Senate repealing the embargo the 4th of March, except against Great Britain and France and their dependencies, establishing a non-intercourse with them, and having struck out the clause for letters of marque and reprisal, which it is thought the Senate will still endeavor to reinstate. I send you a paper containing the last Spanish news. Yours affectionately.

TO MESSRS. GREGG AND LEIB, SENATORS OF PENNSYLVANIA.—MR. SMILIE

Washington, March 2, 1809.

Gentlemen,—I have just received the enclosed with a request that I would lay it before both Houses of Congress. But I have never presumed to place myself between the Legislative Houses and those who have a constitutional right to address them directly. I take the liberty therefore of enclosing the paper to you, that you may do therein what in your judgment shall best comport with expediency and propriety.

I pray you to be assured of my high consideration.

TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS

Washington, March 2, 1809.

Dear Sir,—My last to you was of May 2d; since which I have received yours of May the 25th, June the 1st, July the 23d, 24th, and September the 5th, and distributed the two pamphlets according to your desire. They are read with the delight which everything from your pen gives.

After using every effort which could prevent or delay our being entangled in the war of Europe, that seems now our only resource. The edicts of the two belligerents, forbidding us to be seen on the ocean, we met by an embargo. This gave us time to call home our seamen, ships and property, to levy men and put our seaports into a certain state of defence. We have now taken off the embargo, except as to France and England and their territories, because fifty millions of exports, annually sacrificed, are the treble of what war would cost us; besides, that by war we should take something, and lose less than at present. But to give you a true description of the state of things here, I must refer you to Mr. Coles, the bearer of this, my secretary, a most worthy, intelligent and well-informed young man, whom I recommend to your notice, and conversation on our affairs. His discretion and fidelity may be relied on. I expect he will find you with Spain at your feet, but England still afloat, and a barrier to the Spanish colonies. But all these concerns I am now leaving to be settled by my friend Mr. Madison. Within a few days I retire to my family, my books and farms; and having gained the harbor myself, I shall look on my friends still buffeting the storm with anxiety indeed, but not with envy. Never did a prisoner, released from his chains, feel such relief as I shall on shaking off the shackles of power. Nature intended me for the tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering them my supreme delight. But the enormities of the times in which I have lived, have forced me to take a part in resisting them, and to commit myself on the boisterous ocean of political passions. I thank God for the opportunity of retiring from them without censure, and carrying with me the most consoling proofs of public approbation. I leave everything in the hands of men so able to take care of them, that if we are destined to meet misfortunes, it will be because no human wisdom could avert them. Should you return to the United States, perhaps your curiosity may lead you to visit the hermit of Monticello. He will receive you with affection and delight; hailing you in the meantime with his affectionate salutations and assurances of constant esteem and respect.