The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9)

I salute you affectionately.

TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE

Monticello, July 29, 1808.

Dear Sir,—The passport for the Leonidas goes by this post, to the collector of Norfolk. I return you Jarvis', Hackley's, and Montgomery's letters, and send you Hull's, Hunt's, Clarke's, and Mr. Short's, for perusal, and to be returned. On this last, the following questions arise: When exactly shall the next vessel go? Whence? Is not the secrecy of the mission essential? Is it not the very ground of sending it while the Senate is not sitting, in order that it may be kept secret? I doubt the expediency of sending one of our regular armed vessels. If we do, she should go to Petersburg direct. And yet may there not be advantage in conferences between S. and A.? I have signed the commission and letter of credence, and now enclose them. Yet I must say I think the latter is very questionable indeed, in point of property. It says that the Minister is to reside near his person; but whether we should establish it at once into a permanent legation is much to be doubted, and especially in a recess of the Senate. I should think it better to express purposes something like the following: "to bear to your Imperial Majesty the assurances of the sincere friendship of the United States, and of their desire to maintain with your Majesty and your subjects the strictest relations of intercourse and commerce; to explain to your Majesty the position of the United States, and the considerations flowing from that which should keep them aloof from the contests of Europe; to assure your Majesty of their desire to observe a faithful and impartial neutrality, if not forced from that line by the wrongs of the belligerents; and to express their reliance that they will be befriended in these endeavors by your Majesty's powerful influence and friendship towards these States." This is hasty,—it is too long, and neither the expressions nor thoughts sufficiently accurate; but something of this kind, more concise and correct, may be formed, leaving the permanency of the mission still in our power.

There is no doubt but that the transaction at New Orleans, between Ortega and the British officer with the prize sloop Guadaloupe, has been a mere fraud, to evade our regulation against the sale of prizes in our harbors; and his insolent letter intended merely to cover the fraud. His ready abandonment of the vessel, and Ortega's resumption of her, are clear proofs. Should not, or could not, process be ordered against Ortega and the vessel? I think a copy of Reeve's letter to Governor Claiborne, and of the proceedings of the court, might be sent to Mr. Erskine, with proper observations on this double outrage, and an intimation that the habitual insolence of their officers may force us to refuse them an asylum, even when seeking it in real distress, if the boon is to be abused as it has been by this insolent and dishonest officer. And as it is very possible the rascal may push his impostures to the making complaint to his government, this step with Mr. Erskine may anticipate it.

I salute you with sincere and constant affection.

TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR

Monticello, August 5, 1808.

Dear Sir,—I enclose you a letter from the Path-killer and others of the Cherokees, the object of which I do not precisely see. I suppose they are of Van's party. The sentiments are unquestionably those of a white man.

Sibley's letters present a disagreeable view. It will be troublesome if we are once compelled to use acts of force against those people. It is the more difficult as we should have to pursue them into the country beyond the Sabine, on which an understanding with the Spaniards would be necessary. But what is the meaning of our not pursuing deserters over the Rio Hondo? I thought we had so far settled that matter, as that it was understood by the Spaniards that until a final settlement of boundary, the Sabine was to be that to which each was to exercise jurisdiction. On the same principles ought we not immediately to suppress this new appointment of a Spanish Alcalde at Bayou Pierre? I ask this for information, because I do not precisely recollect what we finally intended as to Bayou Pierre, and I have not the papers here. I suppose the trial and punishment of the guilty Alibamas, and Sibley's reclamations with the tribe for reparation, will give us time till we meet to consider what is to be done. Has any and what step been taken for the recovery of Pike's men?

Governor Lewis' letter offers something more serious. The only information I have on the subject, is his letter to Governor Harrison in a newspaper, which I cut out and enclose you. The retirement of White Hairs to St. Louis is strong proof that the case is serious. As they are at war with all nations, and in order to protect them we have been endangering our peace and friendship with the other nation, would not our best course be to inform all those nations that, however desirous we have been of promoting peace among them, and however earnest our endeavors have been to restore friendship between them and the Osages particularly, we have found it impossible to bring that nation to a just and peaceable conduct towards others? That therefore we withdraw ourselves from before them, and leave them to be freely attacked and destroyed by all those who have cause of war against them? Would such a written message from me to the nations at war with them, be advisable? particularly to the Cherokees, Creeks, Chickasaws, and Choctaws, and such northern tribes as are at war with them. I do not recollect those of the latter description. Would it not be advisable to aid their war parties with provisions, and ammunition, and the repairs of their arms at our posts? Will it be necessary to authorize expeditions of militia, or only permit volunteers to join the Indian parties? or shall we leave what respects Militia to Governor Lewis? We shall certainly receive further information soon, but in the meantime I have thought we should turn it in our minds, and interchange ideas on the subject. I shall therefore be glad to hear from you on it. I salute you with constant affection and respect.

TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR

Monticello, August 6, 1808.

Dear Sir,—A complaint has come to me indirectly on the part of the Cadets at West Point, that the promotions in their corps are made on other principles than those of seniority or merit. They do not charge Colonel Williams with an unjust selection by himself, but with leaving the selection to his lieutenant, whose declaration that it was so left to him, they say can be proved. It is stated particularly that a young man from the country, uneducated, and who had been with the corps but three months, and had acquired little there, was lately made an ensign to the prejudice of much superior qualifications. His name was mentioned to me but I have forgotten it. Justice to the officers forbids us to give credit to such imputations till proved; but justice to the corps requires us so far to attend to them as to make them the subject of inquiry; and I presume this was the object of the communication to me. I now mention it to you, because in returning through New York you may have an opportunity of inquiring into it. I am much more inclined to impute to the vanity of the lieutenant the declaration he is said to have made, than to suppose Colonel Williams has really delegated so important a trust to him. I salute you with constant affection.

TO MESSRS. KERR, MOORE, AND WILLIAMS, COMMISSIONERS OF THE WESTERN ROAD

Monticello, August 6, 1808.

Gentlemen,—It has been represented to me on behalf of the inhabitants of the town of Washington in Pennsylvania, that by a survey made at their expense, it is found that the western road, if carried through their town, to Wheeling, would be but a mile longer, would pass through better ground, and be made at less expense; and if carried to Short Creek, instead of Wheeling, the difference of distance would still be less. The principal object of this road is a communication directly westwardly. If, however, inconsiderable deflections from this course will benefit particular places, and better accommodate travellers, these are circumstances to be taken into consideration. I have therefore to desire that, having a regard to the funds which remain, you make as good an examination as they will admit, of the best route through Washington to Wheeling, and also to Short Creek or any other point on the river, offering a more advantageous route towards Chillicothe and Cincinatti, and that you report to me the material facts, with your opinions for consideration. I salute you with respect.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY

Monticello, August 6, 1808.

Dear Sir,—On the subject of the western road, our first error was the admitting a deviation to Brownsville, and thus suffering a first encroachment on its principle. This is made a point d'appui to force a second, and I am told a third holds itself in reserve, so that a few towns in that quarter seem to consider all this expense as undertaken merely for their benefit. I should have listened to these solicitations with more patience, had it not been for the unworthy motives presented to influence me by some of those interested. Sometimes an opposition by force was held up, sometimes electioneering effects, as if I were to barter away, on such motives, a public trust committed to me for a different object. It seems, however, that our first error having made Brownsville, and no longer Cumberland, the point of departure, we must now go no further back in examining the claim of Washington. I have therefore written to the commissioners, the letter of which I enclose you a copy. The time saved by sending it to them direct, may be important, as they may be near their return. I am doubtful whether they have money enough left for a thorough examination. If they have, their report will enable us to decide on this second deflection. But what will Wheeling say if we take the road from it, to give it to Washington? I do not know its size or importance, nor whether some obstacles to navigation may not oppose our crossing at a higher place. I salute you with constant affection.

TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR

Monticello, August 9, 1808.

Dear Sir,—Yours of July 27th is received. It confirms the accounts we receive from others that the infractions of the embargo in Maine and Massachusetts are open. I have removed Pope, of New Bedford, for worse than negligence. The collector of Sullivan is on the totter. The tories of Boston openly threaten insurrection if their importation of flour is stopped. The next post will stop it. I fear your Governor is not up to the tone of these parricides, and I hope, on the first symptom of an open opposition of the law by force, you will fly to the scene and aid in suppressing any commotion.

I enclose you the letter of Captain Dillard, recommending Walter Bourke for appointment. I know nothing of the writers of any of the letters except Thore, Jones, and Thweat, who are good men. I like Meigs' scheme with the Cherokees, and would wish it success. But will Congress give such a sum of money. The message of the Creek Chief is so far satisfactory, that I think we should give them time. Could we engage them to assist us in destroying the guilty banditti? The letter enclosed from Cuthbert to Mr. Madison, on the means of taking Quebec, is worthy notice, and I wish you could, before your return, have an interview with him. Your office, and receipt of the letter from me, will give confidence to his communications. We have letters from Mr. Pinckney to May 30, but not one word interesting. Present me respectfully to Mrs. Dearborne, and accept my affectionate salutations.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY

Monticello, August 9, 1808.

Dear Sir,—I enclose you, for your information, letters from General Dearborne, P. D. Sargent, and Elisha Tracey, on the infractions of the embargo, and their ideas on the means of remedy.

I pass them through the hands of the Secretary of the Navy, with a request that he will, in concert with you, give all the aid for the enforcement of the law which his department can afford. I think the conduct of Jordan, at Sullivan, should be inquired into, with a view to his removal if found either undisposed or negligent. Indeed, the distance of his residence, if it be fact, renders it impossible he should even sufficiently superintend the due execution of the duties of his office.

We have letters from Mr. Pinckney of the 30th of May, but containing not one interesting word. If England should be disposed to continue peace with us, and Spain gives to Bonaparte the occupation she promises, will not the interval be favorable for our reprisals on the Floridas for the indemnifications withheld. Before the meeting of Congress we shall see further. I salute you with affection and respect.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY

Monticello, August 9, 1808.

Dear Sir,– * * * * * I have some apprehension the tories of Boston, &c., with so poor a head of a Governor, may attempt to give us trouble. I have requested General Dearborne to be on the alert, and fly to the spot where any open and forcible opposition shall be commenced, and to crush it in embryo. I am not afraid but that there is sound matter enough in Massachusetts to prevent an opposition of the laws by force. I am glad to see that Spain is likely to give Bonaparte employment. Tant mieux pour nous. Accept affectionate salutations.

TO MR. GALLATIN

Monticello, August 11, 1808.

Dear Sir,—Your letters of July 29th and August 5th, came to hand yesterday, and I now return you those of Wynne, Wolsey, Quincy, Otis, Lincoln, and Dearborne. This embargo law is certainly the most embarrassing one we have ever had to execute. I did not expect a crop of so sudden and rank growth of fraud and open opposition by force could have grown up in the United States. I am satisfied with you that if orders and decrees are not repealed, and a continuance of the embargo is preferred to war, (which sentiment is universal here), Congress must legalize all means which may be necessary to obtain its end. Mr. Smith, in enclosing to me General Dearborne's and Lincoln's letters, informs me that immediately on receiving them he gave the necessary orders to the Chesapeake, the Wasp and Argus. Still I shall pass this letter and those it encloses, through his hands for information. I am clearly of opinion this law ought to be enforced at any expense, which may not exceed our appropriation. I approve of the instructions to General Lincoln, for selling the revenue cutter there and buying another, and also of what you propose at New London and Portsmouth, and generally I wish you to do as to the revenue cutters what you shall think best, without delaying it to hear from me. You possess the details so much better than I do, and are so much nearer the principal scenes, that my approbation can be but matter of form. As to ordering out militia, you know the difficulty without another proclamation. I advise Mr. Madison to inform General Turreau that the vessels we allow to the foreign ministers are only in the character of transports, and that they cannot be allowed but where the number of persons bears the proportion to the vessel which is usual with transports. You will see by my last that on learning the situation of affairs in Spain, it had occurred to me that it might produce a favorable occasion of doing ourselves justice in the south. We must certainly so dispose of our southern recruits and armed vessels as to be ready for the occasion. A letter of June 5th from Mr. Pinckney says nothing more than that in a few days he was to have a full conference on our affairs with Mr. Canning. That will doubtless produce us immediately an interesting letter from him. I salute you affectionately.

P. S. I this day direct a commission for General Steele, vice General Shee, deceased.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY

Monticello, August 12, 1808.

Dear Sir,—Yours of July 30th came to hand yesterday. It has consequently loitered somewhere two posts. I am glad to learn the prompt aid you have afforded the Treasury department. To let you further understand the importance of giving all the aid we can, I pass through your hands my letter of this day to Mr. Gallatin, with those it encloses, which I will pray you, after perusal, to seal and put into the post-office. In the support of the embargo laws, our only limit should be that of the appropriations of the department. A letter of June 5th from Mr. Pinckney informs us he was to have a free conference with Canning, in a few days. Should England get to rights with us, while Bonaparte is at war with Spain, the moment may be favorable to take possession of our own territory held by Spain, and so much more as may make a proper reprisal for her spoliations. We ought therefore to direct the rendezvous of our southern recruits and gun-boats so as to be in proper position for striking the stroke in an instant, when Congress shall will it. I have recommended this to General Dearborne, as I now do to yourself. Mr. Fulton writes to me under a great desire to prepare a decisive experiment of his torpedo at Washington, for the meeting of Congress. This means of harbor-defence has acquired such respectability, from its apparent merit, from the attention shown it by other nations, and from our own experiments at New York, as to entitle it to a full experiment from us. He asks only two workmen for one month from us, which he estimates at $130 only. But should it cost considerably more I should really be for granting it, and would accordingly recommend it to you. This sum is a mere trifle as an encroachment on our appropriation. I salute you with affection and respect.

TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR

Monticello, August 12, 1808.

Dear Sir,—Yours of July 27th has been received. I now enclose you the letters of Hawkins, Harrison, Wells, Hull, and Claiborne, received from the war office, and as I conjecture, not yet seen by you. Indian appearances, both in the northwest and south, are well. Beyond the Mississippi they are not so favorable. I fear Governor Lewis has been too prompt in committing us with the Osages so far as to oblige us to go on. But it is astonishing we get not one word from him. I enclose you letters of Mr. Griff and Maclure, which will explain themselves. A letter of June 5th from Mr. Pinckney, informs us he was to have a free conference with Canning in a few days. Should England make up with us, while Bonaparte continues at war with Spain, a moment may occur when we may without danger of commitment with either France or England seize to our own limits of Louisiana as of right, and the residue of the Floridas as reprisal for spoliations. It is our duty to have an eye to this in rendezvousing and stationing our new recruits and our armed vessels, so as to be ready, if Congress authorizes it, to strike in a moment. I wish you to consider this matter in the orders to the southern recruits, as I have also recommended to the Secretary of the Navy, as to the armed vessels in the South. Indeed, I would ask your opinion as to the positions we had better take with a view to this with our armed vessels as well as troops. The force in the neighborhood of Baton Rouge is enough for that. Mobile, Pensacola and St. Augustine, are those we should be preparing for. The enforcing the embargo would furnish a pretext for taking the nearest healthy position to St. Mary's, and on the waters of Tombigbee. I salute you with affection and respect.

TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE

Monticello, August 12, 1808.

Dear Sir,—Yours of the 10th came to hand yesterday, and I return you Fronda's, Tuft's, Loderstrom's, and Turreau's letters. I think it is become necessary to let Turreau understand explicitly that the vessels we permit foreign ministers to send away are merely transports, for the conveyance of such of their subjects as were here at the time of the embargo; that the numbers must be proportioned to the vessels, as is usual with transports; and that all who meant to go away must be presumed to have gone before now,—at any rate, that none will be accommodated after the present vessel. We never can allow one belligerent to buy and fit out vessels here, to be manned with his own people, and probably act against the other. You did not return my answer to Sullivan. But fortunately I have received another letter, which will enable me to give the matter an easier turn, and let it down more softly. Should the conference announced in Mr. Pinckney's letter of June 5th, settle friendship between England and us, and Bonaparte continue at war with Spain, a moment may occur favorable, without compromitting us with either France or England, for seizing our own from the Rio Bravo to Perdido, as of right, and the residue of Florida, as a reprisal for spoliations. I have thought it proper to suggest this possibility to General Dearborne and Mr. Smith, and to recommend an eye to it in their rendezvousing and stationing the new southern recruits and gun-boats, so that we may strike in a moment when Congress says so. I have appointed General Steele successor to Shee. Mr. and Mrs. Barlow, and Mrs. Blayden, will be here about the 25th. May we hope to see Mrs. Madison and yourself then, or when? I shall go to Bedford about the 10th of September. I salute you with constant affection and respect.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SULLIVAN

Monticello, August 12, 1808.

Sir,—Your letter of July 21st has been received some days; that of July 23d not till yesterday. Some accident had probably detained it on the road considerably beyond its regular passage. In the former you mention that you had thought it advisable to continue issuing certificates for the importation of flour, until you could hear further from me; and in the latter, that you will be called from the Capital in the fall months, after which it is your desire that the power of issuing certificates may be given to some other, if it is to be continued.

In mine of July 16th I had stated that, during the two months preceding that, your certificates, received at the Treasury, amounted, if I rightly recollect, to about 60,000 barrels of flour, and a proportionable quantity of corn. If this whole quantity had been bonâ fide landed and retained in Massachusetts, I deemed it certain there could not be a real want for a considerable time, and, therefore, desired the issues of certificates might be discontinued. If, on the other hand, a part has been carried to foreign markets, it proves the necessity of restricting reasonably this avenue to abuse. This is my sole object, and not that a real want of a single individual should be one day unsupplied. In this I am certain we shall have the concurrence of all the good citizens of Massachusetts, who are too patriotic and too just to desire, by calling for what is superfluous, to open a door for the frauds of unprincipled individuals who, trampling on the laws, and forcing a commerce shut to all others, are enriching themselves on the sacrifices of their honester fellow citizens;—sacrifices to which these are generally and willingly submitting as equally necessary whether to avoid or prepare for war.

Still further, however, to secure the State against all danger of want, I will request you to continue issuing certificates, in the moderate way proposed in your letter, until your departure from the Capital, as before stated, when I will consider it as discontinued, or make another appointment if necessary. There is less risk of inconvenience in this, as, by a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, of May 20th, the collectors were advised not to detain any vessel, the articles of whose lading were so proportioned as to give no cause of suspicion that they were destined for a foreign market. This mode of supply alone seems to have been sufficient for the other importing States, if we may judge from the little use they have made of the permission to issue certificates.

Should these reasonable precautions be followed, as is surmised in your letter of July 21st, by an artificial scarcity, with a view to promote turbulence of any sort or on any pretext, I trust for an ample security against this danger to the character of my fellow citizens of Massachusetts, which has, I think, been emphatically marked by obedience to law, and a love of order. And I have no doubt that whilst we do our duty, they will support us in it. The laws enacted by the general government, will have made it our duty to have the embargo strictly observed, for the general good; and we are sworn to execute the laws. If clamor ensue, it will be from the few only, who will clamor whatever we do. I shall be happy to receive the estimate promised by your Excellency, as it may assist to guide us in the cautions we may find necessary. And here I will beg leave to recall your attention to a mere error of arithmetic in your letter of July 23d. The quantity of flour requisite on the data there given, would be between thirteen and fourteen thousand barrels per month. I beg you to accept my salutations, and assurances of high respect and consideration.