Hinduism and Buddhism, An Historical Sketch, Vol. 1

490

Or sa-upâdi.

491

But parinirvâṇa is not always rigidly distinguished from nirvâṇa, e.g. Sutta Nipâta, 358. And in Cullavag. VI. 4. 4 the Buddha describes himself as Brâhmaṇo parinibbuto. Parinibbuto is even used of a horse in Maj. Nik. 65 ad fin.

492

Sam. Nik. XXII. 1. 18.

493

Vimuttisukham and brahmacariyogadham sukham.

494

Maj. Nik. 139, cf. also Ang. Nik. II. 7 where various kinds of sukham or happiness are enumerated, and we hear of nekkhammasukham nirupadhis, upekkhâs, arûparamanam sukham, etc.

495

E.g. Maj. Nik. 9 Ditthe dhamme dukkhass' antakaro hoti.

496

Ang. Nik. V. xxxii.

497

Maj. Nik. 79.

498

Asankhatadhâtu, cf. the expression asankhâraparinibbâyî. Pugg. Pan. l. 44.

499

Tabulated in Mrs Rhys Davids' translation, pp. 367-9.

500

Such a phrase as Nibbâṇassa sacchikiriyâya "for the attainment or realization of Nirvana" would be hardly possible if Nirvana were annihilation.

501

Udâna VII. near beginning.

502

These are the formless stages of meditation. In Nirvana there is neither any ordinary form of existence nor even the forms of existence with which we become acquainted in trances.

503

This negative form of expression is very congenial to Hindus. Thus many centuries later Kabir sung "With God is no rainy season, no ocean, no sunshine, no shade: no creation and no destruction: no life nor death: no sorrow nor joy is felt .... There is no water, wind, nor fire. The True Guru is there contained."

504

IV. 7. 13 ff.

505

See also Book VII. of the Milinda containing a long list of similes illustrating the qualities necessary for the attainment of arhatship. Thirty qualities of arhatship are mentioned in Book VI. of the same work. See also Mahâparinib. Sut. III. 65-60 and Rhys Davids' note.

506

E.g. Dig. Nik. xvi. ii. 7, Cullavag. ix. 1. 4.

507

E.g. Pugg. Pan. 1. 39. The ten fetters are (1) sakkâyadiṭṭhi, belief in the existence of the self, (2) vicikicchâ, doubt, (3) silabbataparamâso, trust in ceremonies of good works, (4) kâmarâgo, lust, (5) paṭigho, anger, (6) rûparâgo, desire for rebirth in worlds of form, (7) arûparâgo, desire for rebirth in formless worlds, (8) mano, pride, (9) uddhaccam, self-righteousness, (10) avijjâ, ignorance.

508

There is some diversity of doctrine about the Sakadâgâmin. Some hold that he has two births, because he comes back to the world of men after having been born once meanwhile in a heaven, others that he has only one birth either on earth or in a devaloka.

509

Avyâkatani. The Buddha, being omniscient, sabaññu, must have known the answer but did not declare it, perhaps because language was incapable of expressing it

510

Jiva not attâ.

511

Maj. Nik. 63.

512

Sam. Nik. xvii. 85.

513

Maj. Nik. 72.

514

Which is said not to grow up again.

515

It may be that the Buddha had in his mind the idea that a flame which goes out returns to the primitive invisible state of fire. This view is advocated by Schrader (Jour. Pali Text Soc. 1905, p. 167). The passages which he cites seem to me to show that there was supposed to be such an invisible store from which fire is born but to be less conclusive as proving that fire which goes out is supposed to return to that store, though the quotation from the Maitreyi Up. points in this direction. For the metaphor of the flame see also Sutta-Nipâta, verses 1074-6.

516

XLIV. 1.

517

Maj. Nik. 9, ad init. Asmîti diṭṭhim ânânusayam samûhanitvâ.

518

See especially Sutta-Nipâta, 1076 Atthan gatassa na pamâṇam atthi, etc.

519

Sam. Nik. XXII. 85.

520

Maj. Nik. 22, Alagaddûpama-suttam.

521

Later in the same Sutta: Kevalo paripûro bâladhammo.

522

Four emphatic synonyms in the original.

523

Dig. Nik. I. 73 uccinna-bhava-nettiko.

524

I recommend the reader to consider carefully the passage at the end of Book IV. of Schopenhauer's Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung (Haldane and Kemp's translation, vol. I. pp. 529-530). Though he evidently misunderstood what he calls "the Nirvana of the Buddhists" yet his own thought throws much light on it.

525

Sk. Bhikshu, beggar or mendicant, because they live on alms. Bhikshâcaryam occurs in Brihad-Âr. Up. III. 5. I.

526

Mahâvag. I. 49, cf. ib. I. 39.

527

Dig. Nik. VIII.

528

Cullavag. I. 1. 3.

529

Sam. Nik. XIV. 15. 12, Ang. Nik. I. xiv.

530

Mahâvag. III. 12.

531

Or the opinion of single persons, e.g. Visâkhâ in Mahâvag. III. 13.

532

Acârângasut, II. 2. 2.

533

Mahâv. I. 42.

534

But converted robbers were occasionally admitted, e.g. Angulimâla.

535

Sam. Nik. IV. XXXV., Maj. Nik. 8 ad fin. On the value attached by mystics in all countries to trees and flowers, see Underhill, Mysticism, p. 231.

536

They are abstinence from (1) destroying life, (2) stealing, (3) impurity, (4) lying, (5) intoxicants, (6) eating at forbidden times, (7) dancing, music and theatres, (8) garlands, perfumes, ornaments, (9) high or large beds, (10) accepting gold or silver.

537

These are practically equivalent to Sundays, being the new moon, full moon and the eighth days from the new and full moon. In Tibet however the 14th, 15th, 29th and 30th of each month are observed.

538

Mahâvag. II. 1-2.

539

Chap. VIII. Sec. 3.

540

Required not so much to purify water as to prevent the accidental destruction of insects.

541

It might begin either the day after the full moon of Asâlha (June-July) or a month later. In either case the period was three months. Mahâvag. III. 2.

542

Cullavag. X. 1.

543

See the papers by Mrs Bode in J.R.A.S. 1893, pp. 517-66 and 763-98, and Mrs Rhys Davids in Ninth Congress of Orientalists, vol. I. p. 344.

544

Feminine Upâsikâ.

545

Sutta-Nipâta, 289.

546

E.g. Mahâmangala and Dhammika-Sutta in Sut. Nip. II. 4 and 14.

547

Dig. Nik. 31.

548

It may seem superfluous to insist on this, yet Warren in his Buddhism in Translations uniformly renders Bhikkhu by priest.

549

The same idea occurs in the Upanishads, e.g. Brih.-Âr. Up. IV. 4. 23, "he becomes a true Brahman."

550

Especially in R.O. Franke's article in the J.P.T.S. 1908. To demonstrate the "literary dependence" of chapters XI., XII. of the Cullavagga does not seem to me equivalent to demonstrating that the narratives contained in those chapters are "air-bubbles."

551

The mantras of the Brahmans were hardly a sacred book analogous to the Bible or Koran and, besides, the early Buddhists would not have wished to imitate them.

552

E.g. Dig. Nik. XVI.

553

Cullav. XI. i. 11.

554

Especially in Chinese works.

555

Upâli, Dasaka, Sonaka, Siggava (with whom the name of Candravajji is sometimes coupled) and Tissa Moggaliputta. This is the list given in the Dîpavaṃsa.

556

Sam. Nik. XVI. 11. The whole section is called Kassapa Saṃyutta.

557

They are to be found chiefly in Cullavagga, XII., Dîpavaṃsa, IV. and V. and Mahâvaṃsa, IV.

558

The Dîpavaṃsa adds that all the principal monks present had seen the Buddha. They must therefore all have been considerably over a hundred years old so that the chronology is open to grave doubt. It would be easier if we could suppose the meeting was held a hundred years after the enlightenment.

559

They are said to have rejected the Parivâra, the Paṭisambhidâ, the Niddesa and parts of the Jâtaka. These are all later parts of the Canon and if the word rejection were taken literally it would imply that the Mahâsangîti was late too. But perhaps all that is meant is that the books were not found in their Canon. Chinese sources (e.g. Fa Hsien, tr. Legge, p. 99) state that they had an Abhidhamma of their own.

560

Buddhist Records of the Western World, vol. II. pp. 164-5; Watters, Yüan Chwang, pp. 159-161.

561

Cap. XXXVI. Legge, p. 98.

562

See I-tsing's Records of the Buddhist Religion, trans. by Takakusu, p. XX. and Nanjio's Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripitaka, nos. 1199, 1105 and 1159.

563

An exception ought perhaps to be made for the Japanese sects.

564

The names are not quite the same in the various lists and it seems useless to discuss them in detail. See Dîpavaṃsa, V. 39-48, Mahâvaṃsa, V. ad in., Rhys Davids, J.R.A.S. 1891, p. 411, Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, chap, VI., Geiger, Trans. of Mahâvaṃsa, App. B.

565

The Hemavatikas, Râjagirikas, Siddhattas, Pubbaselikas, Aparaselikas and Apararâjagirikas.

566

Published in the J.P.T.S. 1889. Trans, by S.Z. Aung and Mrs Rhys Davids, 1915. The text mentions doctrines only. The names of the sects supposed to hold them are supplied by the commentary.

567

They must not be confused with the four philosophic schools Vaibhâshika, Sautrântika, Yogâcâra and Mâdhyamika. These came into existence later.

568

But the Vetulyakas were important in Ceylon.

569

See Paramârtha's Life of Vasabandhu, Toung Pao, 1904, p. 290.

570

See Rhys Davids in J.R.A.S. 1892, pp. 8-9. The name is variously spelt. The P.T.S. print Sammitiya, but the Sanskrit text of the Madhyamakavritti (in Bibl. Buddh.) has Sâmmitîya. Sanskrit dictionaries give Sammatîya. The Abhidharma section of the Chinese Tripitaka (Nanjio, 1272) contains a śâstra belonging to this school. Nanjio, 1139 is apparently their Vinaya.

571

Kern (Versl. en Med. der K. Akad. van Wetenschappen Letterk. 4. R.D. VIII. 1907, pp. 312-319, cf. J.R.A.S. 1907, p. 432) suggested on the authority of Kashgarian MSS. that the expression Vailpulya sûtra is a misreading for Vaitulya sûtra, a sûtra of the Vetulyakas. Ânanda was sometimes identified with the phantom who represented the Buddha.

572

It is remarkable that this view, though condemned by the Kathâ-vatthu, is countenanced by the Khuddaka-pâṭha.

573

The Kathâ-vatthu constantly cites the Nikâyas.

574

Pali Sabbatthivâdins.

575

Cf. the doctrine of the Sânkhya. For more about the Sarvâstivâdins see below, Book IV. chap. XXII.

576

See especially Le Nord-Ouest de L'Inde dans le Vinaya des Mûlasarvâstivâdins by Przyluski in J.A. 1914, II. pp. 492 ff.

577

See articles by Fleet in J.R.A.S. of 1903, 1904, 1908-1911 and 191Hultzsch in J.R.A.S. 1910-1Thomas in J.A. 191S. Lévi, J.A. 1911.

578

Asoka's statement is confirmed (if it needs confirmation) by the Chinese pilgrim I-ching who saw in India statues of him in monastic costume.

579

For a bibliography of the literature about these inscriptions see Vincent Smith, Early History of India, 3rd ed. 1914, pp. 172-4.

580

The dialect is not strictly speaking the same in all the inscriptions.

581

Piyadassi, Sanskrit Priyadarsin. The Dîpavaṃsa, VI. 1 and 14, calls Asoka Piyadassi and Piyadassana. The name Asoka has hitherto only been found in one edict discovered at Hyderabad, J.R.A.S. 1916, p. 573.

582

The principal single edicts are (1) that known as Minor Rock Edict I. found in four recensions, (2) The Bhâbrû (or Bhâbrâ) Edict of great importance for the Buddhist scriptures, (3) Two Kalinga Edicts, (4) Edicts about schism, found at Sarnath and elsewhere, (4) Commemorative inscriptions in the Terâi, (5) Dedications of caves.

583

Asoka came to the throne about 270 B.C. (268 or 272 according to various authorities) but was not crowned until four years later. Events are generally dated by the year after his coronation (abhisheka), not after his accession.

584

I must confess that Law of Piety (Vincent Smith) does not seem to me very idiomatic.

585

See Senart, Inscrip. de Piyadassi, II. pp. 314 ff.

586

The Second Minor Rock Edict.

587

Râjûka and pradesika.

588

I.e. Syria, Egypt, Macedonia, Cyrene and Epirus.

589

Kingdoms in the south of India.

590

The inhabitants of the extreme north-west of India, not necessarily Greeks by race.

591

Possibly Tibet.

592

Or Nâbhapamtis. In any case unknown.

593

All these appear to have been tribes of Central India.

594

Dîpav. VIII.; Mahâv. XII.

595

Pillar Edict VI.

596

Perhaps meant to be equivalent to 251 B.C. Vincent Smith rejects this date and thinks that the Council met in the last ten years of Asoka's reign. But the Sinhalese account is reasonable. Asoka was very pious but very tolerant. Ten years of this regime may well have led to the abuse complained of.

597

Jâtaka, no. 472.

598

See for instance the Life of Hsüan Chuang; Beal, p. 39; Julien, p. 50.

599

I consider it possible, though by no means proved, that the Abhidhamma was put together in Ceylon.

600

For the Burmese Canon see chap. XXVI. Even if the Burmese had Pali scriptures which did not come from Ceylon, they sought to harmonize them with the texts known there.

601

Pali Tipiṭaka.

602

So in Maj. Nik. xxi. a man who proposes to excavate comes Kuddalapiṭakam âdâya, "With spade and basket."

603

The list of the Vinaya books is:

604

I find it hard to accept Francke's view that the Dîgha should be regarded as the Book of the Tathâgata, deliberately composed to expound the doctrine of Buddhahood. Many of the suttas do not deal with the Tathâgata.

605

The Saṃyutta quotes by name a passage from the Dîgha as "spoken by the Lord": compare Sam. Nik. XXII. 4 with Dig. Nik. 21. Both the Anguttara and Saṃyutta quote the last two cantos of the Sutta-Nipâta.

606

It appears that the canonical book of the Jâtaka consists only of verses and does not include explanatory prose matter. Something similar to these collections of verses which are not fully intelligible without a commentary explaining the occasions on which they were uttered may be seen in Chândogya Up. VI. The father's answers are given but the son's questions which render them intelligible are not found in the text but are supplied in the commentary.

607

The following ia a table of the Sutta Pitaka:

608

See J.R.A.S. 1891, p. 560. See too Journal P.T.S. 1919, p. 44. Lexicographical notes.

609

Mrs Rhys Davids' Translations of the Dhamma-sangaṇi give a good idea of these books.

610

The works comprised in this Pitaka are:

611

Maj. Nik. XXII. and Angut. Nik. IV. 6.

612

Pali means primarily a line or row and then a text as distinguished from the commentary. Thus Pâlimattam means the text without the commentary and Palibhâsâ is the language of the text or what we call Pali. See Pali and Sanskrit, R.O. Franke, 1902. Windisch, "Ueber den sprachlichen Character des Pali," in Actes du XIV'me Congrès des Orientalistes, 1905. Grierson, "Home of Pali" in Bhandarkar Commemorative Essays, 1917.

613

It is not easy to say how late or to what extent Pali was used in India. The Milinda-Pañha (or at least books II. and III.) was probably composed in North Western India about the time of our era. Dharmapâla wrote his commentaries (c. 500 A.D.) in the extreme south, probably at Conjeevaram. Pali inscriptions of the second or third century A.D. have been discovered at Sarnath but contain mistakes which show that the engraver did not understand the language (Epig. Ind. 1908, p. 391). Bendall found Pali MSS. in Nepal, J.R.A.S. 1899, p. 422.

614

Magadha of course was not his birth-place and the dialect of Kosala must have been his native language. But it is not hinted that he had any difficulty in making himself understood in Magadha and elsewhere.

615

E.g. nominatives singular in e. For the possible existence of scriptures anterior to the Pali version and in another dialect, see S. Lévi, J.A. 1912, II. p. 495.

616

Cullavag. V. 33, chandaso âropema.

617

Although Pali became a sacred language in the South, yet in China, Tibet and Central Asia the scriptures were translated into the idioms of the various countries which accepted Buddhism.

618

Mahâparinibbâna-sutta, II. 26. Another expressive compound is Dhûmakâ-likam (Cullav. XI. 1. 9) literally smoke-timed. The disciples were afraid that the discipline of the Buddha might last only as long as the smoke of his funeral pyre.

619

Winternitz has acutely remarked that the Pali Pitaka resembles the Upanishads in style. See also Keith, Ait. Ar. p. 55. For repetitions in the Upanishads, see Chând. v. 3. 4 ff., v. 12 ff. and much in VII. and VIII., Brihad. Âr. III. ix. 9 ff., VI. iii. 2, etc. This Upanishad relates the incident of Yâjñavalkya and Maîtreyî twice. So far as style goes, I see no reason why the earliest parts of the Vinaya and Sutta Pitaka should not have been composed immediately after the Buddha's death.

620

E.g. Mahâv. 1. 49, Dig. Nik. I. 14, Sut. Vib. Bhikkhunî, LXIX., Sut. Vib. Pârâj. III. 4. 4.

621

Cullav. IV. 15. 4.

622

Ang. Nik. IV. 100. 5, ib. v. lxxiv. 5.

623

See Bühler in Epigraphia Indica, vol. II. p. 93.

624

Even at the time of Fa Hsien's visit to India (c. 400 A.D.) the Vinaya of the Sarvâstivâdin school was preserved orally and not written. See Legge's trans, p. 99.

625

Ang. Nik. IV. 160. 5, Bhikkhû bahussutâ … mâtikâdhârâ monks who carry in memory the indices.

626

Cullavag. XI., XII.

627

Dig. Nik. 1.

628

It is remarkable that this account contemplates five Nikâyas (of which the fifth is believed to be late) but only two Pitakas, the Abhidhamma not being mentioned.

629

It refers to a king Pingalaka, said to have reigned two hundred years after the Buddha's time.

630

Mahâv XI. 3.

631

Mahâv. II. 17.

632

Cullav. IX. 5.

633

The passages are:

634

See J.A. 1916, II. pp. 20,38.

635

For the date see the chapter on Ceylon.

636

S. Lévi gives reasons for thinking that the prohibitions against singing sacred texts (ayataka gîtassara, Cullavag. V. 3) go back to the period when the Vedic accent was a living reality. See J.A. 1915, I. pp. 401 ff.

637

Muséon, 1905, p. 23. Anesaki thinks the text used by Guṇabhadra was in Pali but the Abhayagiri, which had Mahayanist proclivities, may have used Sanskrit texts.

638

Nikâya-Sangrahawa, Fernando, Govt. Record Office, Colombo, 1918.

639

See Mahâyâna-sûtrâlatikâra, xvi. 22 and 75, with Lévi's notes.

640

Cullav. VII. 3.

641

In the first book of the Mahâvagga.

642

Ang. Nik. V. 201 and VI. 40.

643

It may be objected that some Suttas are put into the mouths of the Buddha's disciples and that their words are very like those of the Master. But as a rule they spoke on behalf of him and the object was to make their language as much like his as possible.

644

The Pali anthology known by this name was only one of several called Dhammapada or Udâna which are preserved in the Chinese and Tibetan Canons.

645

The work might also be analyzed as consisting of three old documents (the tract on morality, an account of ancient heresies, and a discourse on spiritual progress) put together with a little connecting matter, and provided with a prologue and epilogue.

646

But in Ceylon there was a decided tendency to rewrite Sinhalese treatises in Pali.

647