The Memoirs of the Conquistador Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Vol 2 (of 2)

Shortly after these signs had been seen in the heavens we arrived in New Spain, and ten months after Narvaez came, and brought with him a negro, who was ill with the smallpox. From this person the disease spread among the inhabitants of Sempoalla, and thence, like a true pestilence, throughout the whole of New Spain.

When, subsequently, we fought the severe battles during the night of sorrows, and lost 550 of our men, who were either killed in our retreat or taken prisoners, and sacrificed to the Mexican idols, the interpretations which the priests had given of the signs were considered perfectly correct. These signs were not seen by any of us, but I have related this exactly as told by the Mexicans, for it is so described in their hieroglyphic writing, which we always found correct.

The following appearance I beheld with my own eyes, which any one else might have seen if he had taken the trouble of looking up. In the year 1527 there appeared in the heavens a sign, which had the shape of a long sword, and seemed as if it stood between the province of Panuco and the town of Tezcuco, and remained unchanged in the heavens for the space of twenty days. The Mexicans and their papas declared it was a sign of some pestilence, and certainly a few days after the measles, and another eruptive disease, like leprosy, broke out, which was accompanied by a very nauseous smell, and carried off numbers of persons, though it did not prove so destructive as the smallpox.

In the year 1528 a very heavy rain fell in Guacasualco, with large clods of earth. But this phenomena differed from what had been seen before of the kind, for as soon as these clods touched the ground they turned into innumerable frogs, a little larger in size than the bluebottle fly. The earth was completely covered with these creatures, which hopped about in various directions, to gain the river, which was not far off. As, however, there were myriads of them, and the sun burning hot, numbers of them perished before they could reach the water. The birds of prey certainly devoured great numbers, yet many of them still remained on the ground, and soon turned putrid, spreading a most dreadful stench around.

I have likewise been assured by credible persons that similar showers of frogs fell at Sempoalla, in the neighbourhood of the sugar mills, belonging to the accountant Albornoz.

I should not have noticed this raining of frogs if it were not something of rare occurrence, a thing which the greater part of mankind never see; moreover, celebrated men have said a writer should only notice those things which are truly wonderful. I was also assured by a cavalier of distinction, who resides in the neighbourhood of this town, named Juan de Guzman, that he himself was once caught in a shower of this kind, on his journey through Yucatan. He assured me that a number of such small frogs stuck frozen to his and his companions' cloaks, and they were even obliged to shake them off.

About the same time that this happened to Guzman, it also rained frogs in Guatimala, as I have been assured by my fellow-townsman Cosmo Roman. The most awful occurrence, however, took place in Guatimala, in the month of September, of the year 1541. Here a most terrific hurricane arose, accompanied by torrents of rain, which continued incessantly for the space of three days, and so vast was the quantity of water that came pouring down, that the crater of the volcano, which lies about four miles from the town of Guatimala, literally burst, and so terrific was the volume of water that came rolling down the mountain, that numbers of huge stones and trees were carried along with it. Those who did not witness it themselves will scarcely credit this, for there were masses of rock carried down by the flood which two oxen could not move, and these blocks of stone were left there as a memento of this fearful tempest. Every tree was torn up by the roots, and hurried down the precipices by the impetuosity of the torrent. The water had exactly the colour as if it had been mixed with chalk, and by the immense power of the hurricane it was raised into foaming billows. The noise occasioned by the rushing of the wind and water was so terrific, that persons could not hear each other speak, and fathers were unable to render their sons any assistance.

This direful tempest commenced at ten o'clock on Sunday evening, of the 11th of September, and the whole body of water, stones, and trees came rolling along over the half of the town of Guatimala, crumbling down the houses in its progress, strongly built as they were. A great number of men, women, and children perished in a few moments, and everything they possessed was lost. Some houses which had withstood the torrent were blocked up to the topmost windows by mud, pieces of rock, and large trees. During this tempest, also, Doña Beatriz de la Cueva, the wife of Pedro de Alvarado, perished, with several other ladies, who had fled to the chapel, to supplicate the Almighty in prayer to preserve them from destruction in the tempest. The water and mud rushed with such impetuosity into the chapel, that it soon gave way, and only three ladies escaped, one of whom was Alvarado's daughter; the names of the two others I have forgotten. This young lady, whose name was Leonora, was fortunately rescued from her perilous situation, between scattered trees and heaps of stone, and is now the wife of the distinguished cavalier Don Francisco de la Cueva, by whom she has several fine sons and daughters.

Many persons declared that they heard during this tempest a fearful kind of howling, yelling, and whistling, and maintained that numbers of evil spirits came rolling along with the large pieces of rock; for it would not have been possible for the water of itself to have moved those heavy masses of stone and large trees. In the midst of this flood people also said they saw a cow with one horn, and two monstrous-looking men, like negroes, with horrible countenances, who kept crying out in a loud voice: "Go on! Go on! For all must be destroyed!" If the inhabitants looked out of their doors or windows to watch the torrent, they were seized with such sudden dread, that they fled from their houses from one street to another, and were at length carried off by the flood, or sinking into the mud, were hurried with it into the neighbouring river. The Indians who lived further down the country, in the direction in which this mass of water, mud, stones, and trees was moving, fared much worse, for they were all drowned. May God have mercy on their souls!

I have above related that this dreadful tempest was looked upon as a punishment for the blasphemous expression which the disconsolate widow of Alvarado was said to have uttered at the intelligence of her husband's death. However, I have often been assured since I have resided in Guatimala, that this lady never gave utterance to the sinful expressions of which she has been accused, but that she merely said: "She wished she had perished with her husband."

I must not omit to observe that the stones which were rolled down with the flood are of such magnitude, that when any stranger comes to Guatimala, they are always pointed out to him, and he is quite astounded at the sight.

After this unfortunate occurrence the inhabitants burned all the dead bodies they could find; but they themselves durst no longer take up their abode in the town, and the greater part retired to their possessions in the country, or built huts in the fields. At length, however, they determined to build the present town, which now stands where formerly maise was grown. But I cannot say much in praise of the site that was chosen. It would have been much preferable if choice had been made of Petapa, or of the valley of Chimaltenango, both of which places are better situated for commerce. Each time the river overflows its banks the town is in danger, while earthquakes are of very frequent occurrence.65

After this destructive tempest, the late bishop, of pious memory, and several other cavaliers instituted an annual solemn procession, which was to take place on the 11th of September. This procession, composed of the clergy and of all the inhabitants of the town, set out from the principal church, under chant of sacred hymns, to the spot where the old town stood, and then entered the church, which on this day was decorated with green boughs and cloth, and a solemn funeral mass was performed for those who had perished in the tempest. After which funeral ornaments were placed on the graves of the more distinguished with lighted wax torches, and an offering was made of bread, meat, and other things, according to the quality of the person interred. After the funeral mass a sermon was preached, and the late bishop not only followed in the procession himself, but he likewise left a fund for celebrating the mass for the dead on the anniversary of this day of sorrows. After these religious ceremonies, those who formed the procession enjoyed themselves in the gardens and the fields of the neighbourhood, and feasted off the plentiful provisions which they had brought along with them, in the same manner as it is done in Spain on similar occasions.

What I have related of this deluge I have taken from the memorials of the late bishop, who was accustomed to note down every curious phenomena of nature which he himself witnessed in this neighbourhood; besides which, I have heard all this confirmed by eyewitnesses. But the procession I have been describing is no longer continued, as the fund left by the late bishop, according to the assurances of the priests and dignitaries of the church of Guatimala, is not sufficient to meet the expenses.

1

Cortes, in his despatches, thus enumerates his troops, 40 horse, 550 foot soldiers, among whom there were 80 musketeers and crossbow-men; 8 or 9 field-pieces and a small supply of powder. (p. 1.)

2

This king was also called Cohuanacotzin, subsequently he became a convert to Christianity, and took the name of Don Fernando. (p. 3.)

3

His Indian name was Ixtlilxuchitl, and his Spanish, Don Hernando Pimentel, not Cortes. (p. 5.)

4

His real name was Necahuatpiltzintli. (p. 5.)

5

Calpullalpan. (p. 15.)

6

Several Spanish writers make the number of Tlascallan warriors who accompanied this transport, amount to 180,000; but this is no doubt an excessive exaggeration. Here again the honesty of Bernal Diaz is conspicuous, who never multiplies numbers. (p. 17.)

7

Teutepil and Ayutecatl were their proper names. (p. 17.)

8

Torquemada, who himself saw this canal, says it was full two miles in length. (p. 18.)

9

Gomara calls this place Accapichtlan; Torquemada, Yacapichtla. (p. 29.)

10

Gomara most likely followed Cortes' despatches, where we find that the stream was coloured with the blood of the Indians, to the distance of four miles. (p. 30.)

11

Indian servants. (p. 32.)

12

Our old soldier has, "Unas bulas de señor S. Pedro," a bull of St. Peter. (p. 32.)

13

There were four vessels which arrived on this occasion, carrying 200 Spaniards and 80 horses. (p. 33.)

14

According to Torquemada this garden was eight miles in circumference, through the midst of which flowed a small rivulet, whose banks were decorated with all kinds of shrubbery. Besides the many beautiful buildings which it contained there were also artificial rocks. (p. 40.)

15

The Mexican name is Quauhnahuac, where Cortes subsequently built himself a palace. (p. 41.)

16

According to Cortes' despatches, the Indians made use of these words, which are indeed more intelligible than our author's: "They had sought our friendship thus late, because they thought they were bound first to atone for their guilt by allowing us to inflict some punishment upon them, after which they thought we should not be so embittered against them." (p. 42.)

17

According to Torquemada, who was born in Mexico, and was elected provincial of his order by a chapter held at Xochimilco, the distance was sixteen miles. (p. 42.)

18

Torquemada here relates that Cortes was saved by a Tlascallan, and that the day following he made a fruitless search for him among the dead. (p. 44.)

19

The following is a free translation of the first six lines:

"Pensive and sad brave Cortes stoodSurrounded by his valiant band,His thoughts were in the heaviest mood,While musing on Tlacupa's land,Grief must assume an attitude,Forehead and side were clasped by either hand."

Of the four following lines Bernal Diaz only gives the first two, the last two I have taken from Las Casas, (Brevissima Relacion de la destrucyon de las Indias.) These lines were most likely applied to Cortes after the attack he made upon the Cholullans:

On the Tarpeian rock as Nero stoodTo view the flames consume th' imperial city,Both young and old uttered their grief aloud,But Nero neither showed remorse nor pity. (p. 52.)

20

According to Torquemada there were 300 concerned in this conspiracy, and their intention was to elect Francisco Verdugo, brother-in-law to the governor of Cuba, captain-general in Cortes' stead; but adds that Verdugo, who was very courageous and highly esteemed, was not let into the conspiracy. (p. 55.)

21

According to Cortes, this canal was two miles long, twice the breadth of a man's length, and as deep. It was completed in fifty days by 8000 Indians. (p. 55.)

22

Herrera (Historia Gen. de las Indias) gives another reason for the younger Xicotencatl's return to Tlascalla. He says, that Alonso Ojeda had given a relation of Xicotencatl, named Piltectetl, who had been shamefully ill-used by the Spaniards, leave to return home, but as Xicotencatl was jealous of this man on account of some love affair, he also secretly decamped for Tlascalla. (p. 61.)

23

Torquemada remarks that, though the younger Xicotencatl was a man of uncommon bravery, his courage failed him when he saw the hour of death approaching. However, this is hardly to be credited, for it is quite contrary to the Indian character. (p. 62.)

24

Cortes, in his despatches, tries to throw all the blame of this unfortunate attack upon the royal treasurer. (p. 81.)

25

Respecting this slimy substance, called by the Mexicans Tecuitlatl, see a former note, first vol. (p. 95.)

26

Bernal Diaz further remarks, (which we thought better to insert here,) that his complexion was fairer than that of the Indians in general; that he was above twenty-three years of age, and that he had a beautiful wife, daughter of his uncle Motecusuma. (p. 98.)

27

So the Spaniards called the famous general Gonsalo de Cordova. Our old soldier is generally very satirical when he speaks about the boasted campaigns of Italy. (p. 106.)

28

The battle of Garigliano, by which Cordova decided the fate of the kingdom of Naples. (p. 106.)

29

Yet Torquemada assures us that mothers had eaten of the flesh of their own offspring. (p. 112.)

30

The Spaniards at length, it would appear, took little notice of this barbarous custom of eating human flesh, so common among the Indians. Even here we see it is mentioned very coolly by Bernal Diaz. Human flesh certainly formed part of the provisions which Indian warriors carried with them when going out to battle. Both Gomara and Torquemada mention, that when Sandoval had defeated the warriors of Matlaltzinco, he found among their baggage a quantity of maise and numbers of roasted children. (p. 114.)

31

All accounts agree in laying the guilt of this inhuman act to the door of the crown officers. Cruelty formed no part of Cortes' character, yet he will always be reproached for having yielded up his better feelings on this occasion to satisfy the rapacity of others. To the honour of the Spanish name, I must here add, that Torquemada most distinctly remarks, that the whole of Cortes troops openly showed their disgust of this infamous deed. (p. 117.)

32

We have mentioned in a former note that this wine was made from the Agava Americana. To this day it is the common drink of the inhabitants of New Spain. (p. 129.)

33

Most likely the Chalchicoeca river, for under this name Torquemada comprehends the coast district south of the Islas de Sacrificios. Monarch. Ind. iv. (p. 140.)

34

Hibueras and not Higueras. Honduras and Hibueras were the original names given to the coast districts along the bay of the same name. For further information, see Monarch. Ind. iii, 41. (p. 173.)

35

Christobal de Oli set sail from Vera Cruz early in April of the year 1523. (p. 175.)

36

Bernal Diaz calls this pope Andriano de Lobayna, but he was not elected to the papal throne until the year following. (p. 195.)

37

The author calls this Flemish nobleman, Monsieur de Lasoa, the same who performed so conspicuous a part during the early part of the young emperor's reign. (p. 195.)

38

The emperor arrived in Spain in the month of June 1522, at the same time that Pope Adrian the Sixth repaired to Rome to take possession of the papal throne. (p. 197.)

39

This nobleman the emperor had appointed commander-in-chief of his troops in Spain; but all his operations were attended with little success, and he lost all influence at court. (p. 198.)

40

Bernal Diaz means the emperor's chancellor, Mercurin Arborio de Gattinara, who subsequently became a cardinal. (p. 200.)

41

Most likely in the year 1523. (p. 207.)

42

A town of Estremadura, and the native place of Cortes. (p. 212.)

43

Gomara, who had been domestic chaplain in Cortes' family, says, that Cortes sent his father on this occasion 25,000 castellanas de oro, and 800 pounds weight of silver, but that it was seized by the emperor. (p. 219.)

44

According to Gomara, several others had tried their wits to compose a verse for this field-piece, until Cortes himself engaged and hit upon those lines. Andreas de Tapia by way of joke proposed the following:

A questo tiro a mi ver

Muchos necios a de hazer.

45

The liberties which Cortes granted to all those who built houses in Mexico, drew such vast crowds to the spot, that pestilential diseases broke out, which carried off numbers of human beings. The labourers, while at work, were enlivened by vocal and instrumental music. (p. 221.)

46

The real name of this excellent man was Toribio de Benavente. When he first arrived in New Spain, the Indians thought his outward garments so mean that they continually cried out when they saw him, "Poor man! poor man!" As he was then unacquainted with their language, he inquired the meaning of the word "Motolinia," which they so often repeated; and, on being told what it was, he said, "Well, since this is the first word of the language which I learn, it shall in future be my name!" This monk was unremitting in his exertions to promote the welfare of the Indians, and he alone baptized above 400,000. (p. 222.)

47

According to Gomara and Herrera, Cortes left Mexico in October, 1524. (p. 235.)

48

Herrera, who has otherwise merely transcribed Gomara's account of this expedition, has the following passage, which we do not find elsewhere: "Medrano, the hoboist," he says, "declared that, in order to still his hunger during this campaign, he ate of the brain and inside of Bernardo Caldero, and of those of a nephew of his, who was also a musician, and had died of hunger." I must here take the opportunity, owing to an omission in the print, of offering a few remarks on the execution of Quauhtemoctzin, and the king of Tlacupa.

Gomara, in his account of the expedition to the Honduras, positively asserts that Quauhtemoctzin and the other chiefs were guilty of this conspiracy, and says that they confessed it themselves, and were then tried by a court-martial, which passed sentence of death upon them. Torquemada, however, differs widely with Gomara; and, in speaking of the unfortunate end of Quauhtemoctzin, he has the following: "So this matter is related by Gomara and Herrera, but I find it differently represented in a history written in the Mexican language, and which I believe to be perfectly correct. While Cortes (the Mexican author says) was quartered in a certain township, the Mexican chiefs one evening began to discourse among themselves about the recent hardships they had suffered, and Cohuanacotzin said to Quauhtemoctzin, to Tetlepanquetzaltzin, and to other distinguished Mexicans, 'Thus you see, gentlemen, from kings we are become slaves, and we suffer ourselves to be led about by Cortes and this handful of Christians. If we were other people than we are, and would break through the promise we have made these Spaniards, we could play them a pretty trick here, and revenge ourselves upon them for all they have done to us, and the ill-treatment my cousin Quauhtemoctzin has suffered at their hands.' To this the Mexican monarch replied, 'I beg of you Cohuanacotzin to drop this subject, lest some one should overhear us, and imagine we were in earnest.' It appears (continues Torquemada) that they were indeed overheard, for the whole of this discourse was reported to Cortes by a low-minded Mexican of the lower classes." (p. 244.)

49

With respect to the running or melting of the fat in the body causing instant death, it was most likely a notion entertained by the medical men of that day; the remark is, therefore, very excusable in an old soldier. (p. 255.)

50

Probably the iguana, a species of lizard common to St. Domingo, where it is eaten, and considered delicate food. (p. 255.)

51

Here our author has evidently erred, for Cortes left Mexico in the month of October, 1524, and the author repeatedly says that two years and three months were spent in this expedition; thus he cannot have returned until the year 1526. (p. 302.)

52

Cortes must either have worn mourning for an uncommon length of time for his wife, or our author must have been misinformed when he says that she died a few months after her arrival in New Spain. (p. 327.)

53

Bernal Diaz had forgotten the precise year, and says he arrived there in the month of May, 1536 or 1537. (p. 352.)

54

The psydium pyriferum or pomiferum of Linnæus. (p. 352.)

55

Bernal Diaz has fallen into an error here, for the meeting of the two monarchs at Aigues-Mortes was accidental, the emperor having been cast on the shore of Provence on a sea-voyage to Barcelona, and Francis the First, who happened to be in the neighbourhood at the time, kindly invited him to the place above mentioned. Neither was there any treaty of peace concluded between the two monarchs on this occasion, but an armistice for ten years had been agreed upon between them shortly beforehand, on the 18th of June, 1538. (p. 355.)

56

This chapter 202 we may distinguish as the most uninteresting of all; it seems a mere jumble of facts thrown in anyhow; but the author himself remarks at the end of the chapter, "I relate all this merely from hearsay." (p. 357.)