
Полная версия:
The Expositor's Bible: The Books of Chronicles
Next, the king and his nobles provided beasts of various kinds for the sacrifices and the Passover meal. Josiah's gifts were even more munificent than those of Hezekiah. The latter had given a thousand bullocks and ten thousand sheep; Josiah gave just three times as many. Moreover, at Hezekiah's passover no offerings of the princes are mentioned, but now they added their gifts to those of the king. The heads of the priesthood provided three hundred oxen and two thousand six hundred small cattle for the priests, and the chiefs of the Levites five hundred oxen and five thousand small cattle for the Levites. But numerous as were the victims at Josiah's passover, they still fell far short of the great sacrifice436 of twenty-two thousand oxen and a hundred and twenty thousand sheep which Solomon offered at the dedication of the Temple.
Then began the actual work of the sacrifices: the victims were killed and flayed, and their blood was sprinkled on the altar; the burnt offerings were distributed among the people; the Passover lambs were roasted, and the other offerings boiled, and the Levites “carried them quickly to all the children of the people.” Apparently private individuals could not find the means of cooking the bountiful provision made for them; and, to meet the necessity of the case, the Temple courts were made kitchen as well as slaughterhouse for the assembled worshippers. The other offerings would not be eaten with the Passover lamb, but would serve for the remaining days of the feast.
The Levites not only provided for the people, for themselves, and the priests, but the Levites who ministered in the matter of the sacrifices also prepared for their brethren who were singers and porters, so that the latter were enabled to attend undisturbed to their own special duties; all the members of the guild of porters were at the gates maintaining order among the crowd of worshippers; and the full strength of the orchestra and choir contributed to the beauty and solemnity of the services. It was the greatest Passover held by any Israelite king.
Josiah's passover, like that of Hezekiah, was followed by a formidable foreign invasion; but whereas Hezekiah was rewarded for renewed loyalty by a triumphant deliverance, Josiah was defeated and slain. These facts subject the chronicler's theory of retribution to a severe strain. His perplexity finds pathetic expression in the opening words of the new section, “After all this,” after all the idols had been put away, after the celebration of the most magnificent Passover the monarchy had ever seen. After all this, when we looked for the promised rewards of piety – for fertile seasons, peace and prosperity at home, victory and dominion abroad, tribute from subject peoples, and wealth from successful commerce – after all this, the rout of the armies of Jehovah at Megiddo, the flight and death of the wounded king, the lamentation over Josiah, the exaltation of a nominee of Pharaoh to the throne, and the payment of tribute to the Egyptian king. The chronicler has no complete explanation of this painful mystery, but he does what he can to meet the difficulties of the case. Like the great prophets in similar instances, he regards the heathen king as charged with a Divine commission. Pharaoh's appeal to Josiah to remain neutral should have been received by the Jewish king as an authoritative message from Jehovah. It was the failure to discern in a heathen king the mouthpiece and prophet of Jehovah that cost Josiah his life and Judah its liberty.
The chronicler had no motive for lingering over the last sad days of the monarchy; the rest of his narrative is almost entirely abridged from the book of Kings. Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, and Zedekiah pass over the scene in rapid and melancholy succession. In the case of Jehoahaz, who only reigned three months, the chronicler omits the unfavourable judgment recorded in the book of Kings; but he repeats it for the other three, even for the poor lad of eight437 who was carried away captive after a reign of three months and ten days. The chronicler had not learnt that kings can do no wrong; on the other hand, the ungodly policy of Jehoiachin's ministers is labelled with the name of the boy-sovereign.
Each of these kings in turn was deposed and carried away into captivity, unless indeed Jehoiakim is an exception. In the book of Kings we are told that he slept with his fathers, i. e., that he died and was buried in the royal tombs at Jerusalem, a statement which the LXX. inserts here also, specifying, however, that he was buried in the garden of Uzza. If the pious Josiah were punished for a single error by defeat and death, why was the wicked Jehoiakim allowed to reign till the end of his life and then die in his bed? The chronicler's information differed from that of the earlier narrative in a way that removed, or at any rate suppressed the difficulty. He omits the statement that Jehoiakim slept with his fathers, and tells us438 that Nebuchadnezzar bound him in fetters to carry him to Babylon. Casual readers would naturally suppose that this purpose was carried out, and that the Divine justice was satisfied by Jehoiakim's death in captivity; and yet if they compared this passage with that in the book of Kings, it might occur to them that after the king had been put in chains something might have led Nebuchadnezzar to change his mind, or, like Manasseh, Jehoiakim might have repented and been allowed to return. But it is very doubtful whether the chronicler's authorities contemplated the possibility of such an interpretation; it is scarcely fair to credit them with all the subtle devices of modern commentators.
The real conclusion of the chronicler's history of the kings of the house of David is a summary of the sins of the last days of the monarchy and of the history of its final ruin in xxxvi. 14-20.439 All the chief of the priests and of the people were given over to the abominations of idolatry; and in spite of constant and urgent admonitions from the prophets of Jehovah, they hardened their hearts, and mocked the messengers of God, and despised His words, and misused His prophets, until the wrath of Jehovah arose against His people, and there was no healing.
However, to this peroration a note is added that the length of the Captivity was fixed at seventy years, in order that the land might “enjoy her sabbaths.” This note rests upon Lev. xxv. 1-7, according to which the land was to be left fallow every seventh year. The seventy years captivity would compensate for seventy periods of six years each during which no sabbatical years had been observed. Thus the Captivity, with the four hundred and twenty previous years of neglect, would be equivalent to seventy sabbatical periods. There is no economy in keeping back what is due to God.
Moreover, the editor who separated Chronicles from the book of Ezra and Nehemiah was loath to allow the first part of the history to end in a gloomy record of sin and ruin. Modern Jews, in reading the last chapter of Isaiah, rather than conclude with the ill-omened words of the last two verses, repeat a previous portion of the chapter. So here to the history of the ruin of Jerusalem the editor has appended two verses from the opening of the book of Ezra, which contain the decree of Cyrus authorising the return from the Captivity. And thus Chronicles concludes in the middle of a sentence which is completed in the book of Ezra: “Who is there among you of all his people? Jehovah his God be with him, and let him go up…”
Such a conclusion suggests two considerations which will form a fitting close to our exposition. Chronicles is not a finished work; it has no formal end; it rather breaks off abruptly like an interrupted diary. In like manner the book of Kings concludes with a note as to the treatment of the captive Jehoiachin at Babylon: the last verse runs, “And for his allowance there was a continual allowance given him of the king, every day a portion, all the days of his life.” The book of Nehemiah has a short final prayer: “Remember me, O my God, for good”; but the preceding paragraph is simply occupied with the arrangements for the wood offering and the first-fruits. So in the New Testament the history of the Church breaks off with the statement that St. Paul abode two whole years in his own hired house, preaching the kingdom of God. The sacred writers recognise the continuity of God's dealings with His people; they do not suggest that one period can be marked off by a clear dividing line or interval from another. Each historian leaves, as it were, the loose ends of his work ready to be taken up and continued by his successors. The Holy Spirit seeks to stimulate the Church to a forward outlook, that it may expect and work for a future wherein the power and grace of God will be no less manifest than in the past. Moreover, the final editor of Chronicles has shown himself unwilling that the book should conclude with a gloomy record of sin and ruin, and has appended a few lines to remind his readers of the new life of faith and hope that lay beyond the Captivity. In so doing, he has echoed the key-note of prophecy: ever beyond man's transgression and punishment the prophets saw the vision of his forgiveness and restoration to God.
1
Cf. Ezra; Nehemiah; Esther, by Professor Adeney, in “Expositor's Bible.”
2
Ezra iii. 12.
3
Isa. lxvi. 22.
4
Quoted for Asa (2 Chron. xvi. 11); Amaziah (2 Chron. xxv. 26); Ahaz (2 Chron. xxviii. 26).
5
Quoted for Jotham (2 Chron. xxvii. 7); Josiah (2 Chron. xxxv. 26, 27).
6
Quoted for Manasseh (2 Chron. xxxiii, 18).
7
Quoted for David (1 Chron. xxix. 29).
8
Quoted for David (1 Chron. xxix. 29) and Solomon (2 Chron. ix. 29).
9
Quoted for David (1 Chron. xxix. 29).
10
Quoted for Rehoboam (2 Chron. xii. 15).
11
Quoted for Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. xx. 34).
12
Quoted for Manasseh (2 Chron. xxxiii. 19). “Seers,” A.V., R.V. Marg., with LXX.; R.V., with Hebrew text, “Hozai.” The passage is probably corrupt.
13
Quoted for Solomon (2 Chron. ix. 29).
14
Quoted for Hezekiah (2 Chron. xxxii. 32).
15
Quoted for Joash (2 Chron. xxiv. 27).
16
Quoted for Abijah (2 Chron. xiii, 22).
17
Quoted for Uzziah (2 Chron. xxvi. 22).
18
Quoted for Solomon (2 Chron. ix. 29).
19
Cf. pp. 17, 18.
20
2 Chron. xx. 34.
21
Chron. xxxii. 32.
22
R.V. marg.
23
R.V.
24
E.g., the wars of Jotham (2 Chron. xxvii. 7).
25
2 Chron. xiii. 22; xxiv. 27. The LXX., however, does not read “Midrash” in either case; and it is quite possible that glosses have attached themselves to the text of Chronicles.
26
Cf. 2 Sam. vi. 12-20 with 1 Chron. xv., xvi.
27
Cf. 2 Kings xi.; 2 Chron. xxiii.
28
The last two classes are not easily distinguished; but the additions which introduce the Levitical system into earlier history are clearly the work of the chronicler or his immediate predecessor, if such a predecessor be assumed, or were found in somewhat late sources. This is also probably true of other explanatory matter.
29
Cf. 2 Sam. iv. with 1 Chron. viii. 34, also 2 Sam. vii. 7 with 1 Chron. xvii. 6, and 2 Sam. xvii. 25 with 1 Chron. ii. 17. In both these instances Chronicles preserves the correct text.
30
Cf. Book II., Chap. IV.
31
Oehler, Old Testament Theology, i. 283 (Eng. trans.).
32
Nestle, Die Israelitischen Eigennamen, p. 27. The present chapter is largely indebted to this standard monograph.
33
Nestle.
34
1 Chron. vii. 14.
35
Philo, De Cong. Quær. Erud. Grat., 8.
36
Hiller's Onomasticon ap., Nestle 11.
37
vii. 8.
38
i. 35.
39
xviii. 15.
40
i. 20.
41
viii. 36.
42
ii. 18.
43
iii. 20.
44
iv. 3.
45
Bertheau, i. 1.
46
iv. 22.
47
iv. 22.
48
The translation of these words is not quite certain.
49
Nestle, p. 68.
50
Num. i. 10.
51
Num. i. 12.
52
Num. i. 6.
53
Cf. p. 40.
54
xi. 30; vii. 25 (Nestle).
55
Nestle.
56
Joel i. 15; Isa. xiii. 6. It is not necessary here to discuss either the etymological or the theological history of these words in their earliest usage, nor need we do more than recall the fact that Jehovah was the term in common use as the personal name of the God of Israel, while El was rare and sometimes generic.
57
Ezra ii. 61-63; Neh. vii, 63-65.
58
Acts xvii. 26.
59
Col. iii. 11.
60
Josh. xiv. 6.
61
1 Sam. xxvii 10.
62
Ver. 55.
63
The occurrence of Caleb the son of Jephunneh in iv, 15, vi. 56, in no way militates against this view: the chronicler, like other redactors, is simply inserting borrowed material without correcting it. Chelubai in ii. 9 stands for Caleb; cf. ii. 18.
64
viii. 33-40; ix. 35-44. We have used Mephibosheth as more familiar, but Chronicles reads Meribbaal, which is more correct.
65
Psalm lxxviii. 59, 60, 67-69.
66
iv. 14, 21-23.
67
1 Chron. xv.
68
Cf. 2 Chron. xxix. 12 and xxx. 22.
69
2 Chron. xvii. 8.
70
Exod. xxv-xxxix.; 1 Kings vi.; 1 Chron. xxix.; 2 Chron. iii., v.
71
1 Chron. xv. 4-10.
72
1 Chron. xii. 23-37.
73
John iii. 8.
74
i. 10.
75
i. 19.
76
i. 46.
77
Cf. Gen. xxxvi. 24 and 1 Chron. i. 40.
78
I.e., Achan (ii. 3, 7).
79
1 Sam. ii. 7, 8.
80
Vv. 17, 18, as they stand, do not make sense. The second sentence of ver. 18 should be read before “and she bare Miriam” in ver. 17. Mered and Bithiah formed a tempting subject for the rabbis, and gave occasion for some of their usual grotesque fancies. Mered has been identified by them both with Caleb and Moses.
81
Deut. vii. 3; Josh. xxiii. 12; Ezra ix. 1, x.; Neh. xiii. 23.
82
iv. 9, 10.
83
The reading on which this translation is based is obtained by an alteration of the vowels of the Masoretic text; cf. Bertheau, i. 1.
84
Gen. xxviii. 20; xxxiii. 20.
85
This translation is obtained by slightly altering the Masoretic text.
86
iv. 41; cf. R.V.
87
1 Sam. xv.
88
Judges i. 17.
89
Judges i. 22-26.
90
Judges xviii.
91
Vv. 7-10, 18-22.
92
Deut. xxxiii. 20; 1 Chron. xii. 8, 21.
93
Gen. xxv. 15.
94
Gen. xvi. 12.
95
Lay of the Last Minstrel, iv. 3.
96
Vv. 25, 26. Note the curious spelling Tilgath-pilneser for the more usual Tiglath-pileser.
97
Cf. Bertheau, i. 1.
98
In Josh. xix. 42, xxi. 24, Aijalon is given to Dan; in Judges i. 34 it is given to Dan, but we are told that Amorites retained possession of it, but became tributary to the house of Joseph; in 2 Chron. xi. 10 it is given to “Judah and Benjamin.” As a frontier town, it frequently changed hands.
99
2 Chron. xvi. 9.
100
2 Chron. xx. 20.
101
2 Chron. xxix. 6.
102
1 Chron. vi. 31-48, xv. 16-20; cf. psalm titles.
103
1 Chron. vi. 33, 37; cf. Psalm lxxxviii. (title).
104
1 Chron. xvi. 38, 42.
105
1 Chron. ix. 26-32; cf. 1 Chron. xxiii. 24-32.
106
2 Chron. xxix. – xxxi.; xxxiv.; xxxv.
107
2 Chron. xxix. 27, 28.
108
Num. iv. 3, 23, 35.
109
1 Chron. xxiii. 24, 27. Probably “twenty” should be read for “thirty” in ver. 3.
110
1 Chron. xxiv. 6.
111
2 Chron. xxxiv. 13; xxxv. 3.
112
2 Chron. xxxv. 3; cf. 1 Chron. xxiii 26.
113
1 Chron. xxvi. 29.
114
2 Chron. xvii. 7, 9.
115
Wellhausen, History of Israel, p. 191; cf. 2 Chron. xix. 4-11.
116
1 Chron. ix. 31, 32.
117
Ezra ii. 36-39.
118
1 Chron. xxiv. 1-19.
119
Luke i. 5.
120
Bell. Jud., IV. iii. 8.
121
1 Chron. xxiv. 20-31; 2 Chron. xxxi. 2.
122
1 Chron. xxv.
123
1 Chron. xxvi.; Ezra vi. 18; Neh. xi. 36.
124
Recently a complaint was received at the General Post-office that some newspapers sent from France had failed to arrive. It was stated that the names of the papers were —Il me manque; Plusieurs; Journaux; i. e., I am short of “Several” “Papers.”
125
1 Chron. ix. 3.
126
Luke ii. 36.
127
Levi of course excepted.
128
1 Chron. iii.
129
ii. 55.
130
iv. 21-23.
131
Maspero, Ancient Egypt and Assyria, p. 60.
132
Craddock, Despot of Bromsgrove Edge. Teck Jepson is, of course, an imaginary character, but none the less representative.
133
Cave, Scripture Doctrine of Sacrifice, p. 163.
134
George Eliot, Janet's Repentance, chap. xix.
135
2 Chron. xii. 1, 6.
136
2 Chron. xxxiii. 18.
137
Ezra ii. 2.
138
Isa. xlix. 6.
139
Isa. ix. 7.
140
Isa. xvi. 5.
141
Isa. xxxvii. 35.
142
Isa. xxxviii. 5.
143
Acts ii 29.
144
Hos. iii. 5.
145
Amos ix. 11.
146
Micah v. 2.
147
Jer. xxiii. 5, 6; cf. xxxiii. 15 and Isa. iv. 2, xi. 1. The Hebrew word used in the last passage is different from that in the preceding.
148
Ezek. xxxiv. 23, 24; xxxvii. 24, 25.
149
Zech. iii. 8; the text in vi. 12 is probably corrupt.
150
Hag. ii. 23.
151
Zech. xii. 8.
152
Written after the death of Pompey.
153
Schultz, Old Testament Theology, ii. 444.
154
An incidental reference is made to these facts in 1 Chron. xii. 19.
155
2 Sam. iii. 39.
156
2 Sam. v. 21; 1 Chron. xiv. 12.
157
Deut. xxiv. 16, quoted in 2 Chron. xxv. 4.
158
2 Sam. xxi. 19; 1 Chron. xx. 5.
159
1 Chron. x. 14.
160
Cf. xi. 1-9; xii. 23-xiii. 14; xv.
161
1 Chron. xi. 2.
162
1 Chron. ii. 15.
163
1 Chron. xii. 1, 19. There is no certain indication of the date of the events in xi. 10-25. The fact that a “hold” is mentioned in xi. 16, as in xii. 8, 16, is not conclusive proof that they refer to the same period.
164
xii. 20.
165
1 Chron. xxix. 27.
166
xi. 10-47; xx. 4-8.
167
xiii. 14-xvi.
168
xvii.
169
xviii.; xx. 3.
170
I.e., virtually Jehovah our God and the only true God.
171
For a more detailed treatment of this incident see chap. ix.
172
xxi. – xxix.
173
xxix. 20-22, 28.
174
xvi. 8-36.
175
xvii. 16-27.
176
For a short exposition of this passage see Book. IV., Chap. i.
177
1 Chron. xi. 15-19.
178
xxix. 20.
179
Rom. xiv. 22.
180
2 Sam. xii. 31; 1 Chron. xx. 3.
181
Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, i. 205.
182
x. 14; xi. 3.
183
xii. 38.
184
xxix. 1, 22.
185
xiii. 2-4.
186
1 Sam. xxiii. 9-13; xxx. 7, 8.
187
xxv. 1, 2.
188
xiii. 1.
189
xxviii. 1.
190
xxix. 22.
191
But cf. 2 Chr. xxvi.
192
Cf. xvii. 4-15 and xxviii. 2-10.
193
xiii. 1-14.
194
The casual reference in Jer. lii. 20 is only an apparent exception. The passage is really historical, and not prophetic.
195
Deut. xvii. 16, 17; cf. 2 Chron. i. 14-17 and 1 Kings xi. 3-8.
196
Psalms lxxii. and cxxvii. are attributed to him, the latter, however, only in the Hebrew Bible.
197
Ecclus. xlvii. 12-21.
198
Matt. xii. 42.
199
Matt. vi. 29.
200
Acts vii. 47.
201
1 Chron. xxix. 25.
202
2 Chron. ix. 22, 23.
203
2 Chron. viii. 11.
204
Neh. xiii. 26.
205
Such changes occur throughout, and need not be further noticed unless some special interest attaches to them.