The Warfare of Science

30

See Luther's Tischreden, Irmischer's Ausgabe. Also, Melanchthon's Initia Doctrinæ Physicæ. This treatise is cited under a mistaken title by the Catholic World, September, 1870. The correct title is as given above. It will be found in the Corpus Reformatorum, ed. Bretschneider, Halle, 1846. (For the above passage, see vol. xiii., pp. 216, 217.) Also, Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, vol. i., p. 217. Also, Prowe, Ueber die Abhängigkeit des Copernicus, Thorn, 1865, p. 4. Also, note, pp. 5 and 6, where text is given in full.

31

For treatment of Copernican ideas by the people, see Catholic World, as above.

32

See title-page of Fromundus's work cited in note at bottom of p. 392; also, Melanchthon, ubi supra.

33

See Bartholmess, Vie de Jordano Bruno, Paris, 1846, vol. i., pp. 121 and 212, et seq. Also Berti, Vita di Giordano Bruno, Firenze, 1868, chapter xvi. Also Whewell, i., 294, 295. That Whewell is somewhat hasty in attributing Bruno's punishment entirely to the Spaccio della Bestia Trionfante will be evident, in spite of Montucla, to any one who reads the account of the persecution in Bartholmess or Berti; and, even if Whewell be right, the Spaccio would never have been written, but for Bruno's indignation at ecclesiastical oppression. See Tiraboschi, vol. xi., p. 435.

34

Delambre, Histoire de l'Astronomie moderne, discours préliminaire, p. xiv. Also Laplace, Système du Monde, vol. i., p. 326, and for more careful statement, Kepleri Opera Omnia, edit. Frisch, tom. ii., p. 464.

35

Cantu, Histoire Universelle, vol. xv., p. 473.

36

A very curious example of this sham science is seen in the argument, frequently used at the time, that, if the earth really moved, a stone falling from a height would fall back of the point immediately below its point of starting. This is used by Fromundus with great effect. It appears never to have occurred to him to test the matter by dropping a stone from the topmast of a ship. But the most beautiful thing of all is that Benzenburg has experimentally demonstrated just such an aberration in falling bodies as is mathematically required by the diurnal motion of the earth. See Jevons, Principles of Science, vol. i., p. 453, and ii., pp. 310, 311.

37

See Delambre as to the discovery of the satellites of Jupiter being the turning-point with the heliocentric doctrine. As to its effects on Bacon, see Jevons, Principles of Science, vol. ii., p. 298.

38

For argument drawn from the candlestick and seven churches, see Delambre.

39

Libri, vol. iv., p. 211. De Morgan, Paradoxes, p. 26, for account of Father Clavius. It is interesting to know that Clavius, in his last years, acknowledged that "the whole system of the heavens is broken down, and must be mended."

40

Cantu, Histoire Universelle, vol. xv., p. 478.

41

For Caccini's attack, see Delambre, Hist. de l'Astron., disc. prélim., p. xxii.; also, Libri, Hist. des Sciences Math., vol. iv., p. 232; also, Martin, Galilée, pp. 43, 44.

42

For Bellarmin's view, see Quinet, Jesuits, vol. ii., p. 189. For other objectors and objections, see Libri, Histoire des Sciences Mathématiques en Italie, vol. iv., pp. 233, 234; also, Martin, Vie de Galilée.

43

See Trouessart, cited in Flammarion, Mondes Imaginaires et Réels, sixième édition, pp. 315, 316.

44

Initia Doctrinæ Physicæ, pp. 220, 221.

45

See Ticknor, Hist. of Span. Literature, vol. iii.

46

See Th. Martin, Galilée, pp. 34, 208, and 266.

47

See Martin, Galilée, pp. 34 and 208; also a curious note in the earlier English editions, Lyell, Principles of Geology, Introduction.

48

For curious exemplification of the way in which these weapons have been hurled, see lists of persons charged with "infidelity" and "atheism," in Le Dictionnaire des Athées, Paris, An. viii. Also, Lecky, History of Rationalism, vol. ii., p. 50. For case of Descartes, see Saisset, Descartes et ses précurseurs, pp. 103, 110.

49

See the original documents in Epinois, pp. 34-36. Martin's translation does not seem exactly correct.

50

See full official text in Epinois.

51

See proofs of this in Martin. The reader should be reminded that the archives exposed within the past few years have made the statements of early writers untrustworthy on very many of the nicer points.

52

See Inchofer's Tractatus Syllepticus, cited in Galileo's letter to Deodati, July 28, 1634.

53

It is not probable that torture in the ordinary sense was administered to Galileo, though it was threatened. See Th. Martin, Vie de Galilée, for a fair summing up of the case. For text of the abjuration, see Epinois; also, Private Life of Galileo, Appendix.

54

Martin, p. 227.

55

Martin, p. 243.

56

For the persecution of Galileo's memory, see Th. Martin, chaps. ix and x. For documentary proofs, see de l'Epinois. For a collection of the slanderous theories invented against Galileo, see Martin, final chapters and appendix. Both these authors are devoted to the Church, but, unlike Monsignor Marini, are too upright to resort to the pious fraud of suppressing documents or interpolating pretended facts.

57

See Martin, pp. 401, 402.

58

See de l'Epinois, p. 35, where the document is given in its original Latin.

59

See translation of the abjuration in appendix to Private Life of Galileo, London, 1870.

60

See Marini, who manipulated the original documents to prove this. Even Whewell appears to have been somewhat misled by him; but Whewell wrote before de l'Epinois had shown all the documents, and under the supposition that Marini was an honest man.

61

See Marini.

62

See Epinois and Th. Martin, passim.

63

See pages 136, 144, and elsewhere in Martin, who, much against his will, is forced to allow this.

64

Martin, pp. 146, 147.

65

See Martin, p. 145.

66

See note on condemnation of Kopernik.

67

For the attempt to make the crime of Galileo a breach of etiquette, see Dublin Review, as above. Whewell, vol. i., 393. Citation from Marini: "Galileo was punished for trifling with the authorities to which he refused to submit, and was punished for obstinate contumacy, not heresy." The sufficient answer to all this is, that the words of the inflexible sentence designating the condemned books are: "Libri omnes qui affirmant telluris motum." See Bertrand, p. 59. As to the idea that "Galileo was punished not for his opinion, but for basing it on Scripture," the answer may be found in the Roman Index of 1704, in which are noted for condemnation "Libri omnes docentes mobilitatem terræ et inmobilitatem solis." For the way in which, when it was found convenient in argument, Church apologists insisted that it was "the Supreme Chief of the Church, by a pontifical decree, and not certain cardinals," who condemned Galileo and his doctrine, see Father Lecazre's letter to Gassendi in Flammarion, Pluralité des Mondes, p. 427, and Urban VIII.'s own declarations as given by Martin. For the way in which, when necessary, Church apologists asserted the very contrary of this, declaring that "it was issued in a doctrinal decree of the Congregation of the Index, and not as the Holy Father's teaching," see Dublin Review, September, 1865. And for the most astounding attempt of all, to take the blame off the shoulders of both pope and cardinals, and place it upon the Almighty, see the article above cited, in the Dublin Review, September, 1865, p. 419. For a good summary of the various attempts, and for replies to them in a spirit of judicial fairness, see Th. Martin, Vie de Galilée, though there is some special pleading to save the infallibility of pope and Church. The bibliography at the close is very valuable.

68

For Baronius's remark, see De Morgan, p. 26. Also, Whewell, vol. i., p. 394.

69

For an exceedingly striking statement, by a Roman Catholic historian of genius, as to popular demand for persecution, and the pressure of the lower strata, in ecclesiastical organizations, for cruel measures, see Balmès, Le Protestantisme comparé au Catholicisme, etc., 4th ed., Paris, 1855, vol. ii. Archbishop Spaulding has something of the same sort in his Miscellanies. L'Epinois, Galilée, pp. 22, et seq., stretches this as far as possible, to save the reputation of the Church in the Galileo matter.

70

Humboldt, Cosmos, London, 1851, vol. iii., p. 21. Also, Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, vol. i., p. 222, where the letters of Descartes are given, showing his despair, and the giving up of his best thoughts and works to preserve peace with the Church. Also, Saisset, Descartes et ses précurseurs, pp. 100, et seq. Also, Jolly, Hist, du Mouvement Intellectuel au XVIe Siècle, vol. i., p. 390

71

Libri, pp. 149, et seq.

72

Fromundus, speaking of Kepler's explanation, says: "Vix teneo ebullientem risum." It is almost equal to the New York Church Journal, speaking of John Stuart Mill as "that small sciolist," and of the preface to Dr. Draper's recent work as "chippering." How a journal generally so fair in its treatment of such subjects can condescend to use such weapons, is one of the wonders of modern journalism. For Protestant persecution of Kepler, see vol. i., p. 392. Among other things, Kepler's mother was declared a witch, and this was followed by a reminder of the Scriptural injunction, "Ye shall not suffer a witch to live."

73

For Cassini's position, see Henri Martin, Hist. de France, vol. xiii., p. 175.

74

Daunou, Études Historiques, vol. ii., p. 439.

75

Bossuet, see Bertrand, p. 41.

76

For Hutchinson, see Lyell, Principles of Geology, Introduction.

77

Boscovich. This was in 1746, but in 1785 Boscovich seemed to feel his position in view of history, and apologized abjectly. Bertrand, pp. 60, 61. See also Whewell's notice of Le Sueur and Jacquier's introduction to their edition of Newton's Principia. For a clear statement of Bradley's exquisite demonstration of the Copernican theory by reasonings upon the rapidity of light, etc., and Foucault's exhibition of the rotation of the earth by the pendulum experiment, see Hoefer, Hist. de l'Astronomie, pp. 492, et seq. For the most recent proofs of the Copernican theory, by discoveries of Bunsen, Bischoff, Benzenburg, and others, see Jevons, Principles of Science.

78

See note in introduction to Lyell's Principles of Geology; also, Buckle, Hist. of Civ. in England, vol. i., chap. i.

79

Bertrand, Fondateurs de l'Astron. Mod., p. 61. Flammarion, Vie de Copernic, chap. ix. As to the time when the decree of condemnation was repealed, various authorities differ. Artaud, p. 307, cited in an apologetic article in Dublin Review, September, 1865, says that Galileo's famous dialogue was published in 1744, at Padua, entire, and with the usual approbations. The same article also declares that in 1818 the ecclesiastical decrees were repealed by Pius VII., in full Consistory. Whewell says that Galileo's writings, after some opposition, were expunged from the Index Expurgatorius in 1818. Cantu, an authority rather favorable to the Church, says that Copernicus's work remained on the Index as late as 1835. Cantu, Histoire Universelle, vol. xv., p. 483; and with this Th. Martin, not less favorable to the Church, but exceedingly careful as to the facts, agrees.

80

See Weld, History of the Royal Society, vol. ii., p. 56, for the facts and the admirable letter of Priestley upon this rejection.

81

Bruhns and Lassell, Life of Humboldt, London, 1873, vol. ii., p. 411.

82

For the very amusing details of the English attempt, and of the way in which it was met, see De Morgan, Paradoxes, p. 42. For Pastor Knak and his associates, see Revue des Deux Mondes, 1868.

83

For a striking account, gathered from eye-witnesses of this frightful scene at the execution of Bruno, see letter of Scioppius in appendix to vol. iv. of Libri, Hist. des Mathématiques.

84

As a pendant to this ejaculation of Kepler may be cited those wondrous words of Linnæus: "Deum omnipotentem a tergo transeuntem vidi et obstupui."

85

For papal bull representing the earth as a flat disk, see Daunou, Études Historiques, vol. ii., p. 421.

86

For Bruno's conjecture (in 1591), see Jevons, vol. ii., p. 299. For Kant's part in the nebular hypothesis, see Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, vol. i., p. 266. For value of Plateau's beautiful experiment very cautiously estimated, see W. Stanley Jevons, Principles of Science, London, 1874, vol. ii., p. 36. Also, Elisée Réclus, The Earth, translated by Woodward, vol. i., pp. 14-18, for an estimate still more careful. For a general account of discoveries of nature of nebulæ by spectroscope, see Draper, Conflict between Religion and Science. For a careful discussion regarding the spectra of solid, liquid, and gaseous bodies, see Schellen, Spectrum Analysis, pp. 100, et seq. For a very thorough discussion of the bearings of discoveries made by spectrum analysis upon the nebular hypothesis, ibid., pp. 532-537. For a presentation of the difficulties yet unsolved, see article by Plummer, in London Popular Science Review for January, 1875. For excellent short summary of recent observations and thought on this subject, see T. Sterry Hunt, Address at the Priestley Centennial, pp. 7, 8. For an interesting modification of this hypothesis, see Proctor's recent writings.

87

For a very careful discussion of Albert's strength in investigation and weakness in yielding to scholastic authority, see Kopp, Ansichten über die Aufgabe der Chemie von Geber bis Stahl, Braunschweig, 1875, pp. 64, et seq. For a very extended and enthusiastic biographical sketch, see Pouchet. For comparison of his work with that of Thomas Aquinas, see Milman, History of Latin Christians, vol. vi., 461. Il était aussi très-habile dans les arts mécaniques, ce que le fit soupçonner d'être sorcier. Sprengel, Histoire de la Médecine, vol. ii., p. 389.

88

For the charge of magic against scholars and others, see Naudé, Apologie pour les grands hommes accusés de Magie, passim. Also, Maury, Hist. de la Magie, troisième édit., pp. 214, 215. Also, Cuvier, Hist. des Sciences Naturelles, vol. i., p. 396.

89

See Études sur Vincent de Beauvais par l'Abbé Bourgeat, chaps. xii., xiii., xiv. Also, Pouchet, Histoire des Sciences Naturelles au Moyen Age, Paris, 1853, pp. 470, et seq.

90

For work of Aquinas, see St. Thomas Aquinas, Liber de Cœlo et Mundo, section xx. Also, Life and Labors of St. Thomas of Aquin, by Archbishop Vaughan, pp. 459, et seq. For his labors in natural science, see Hoefer, Histoire de la Chimie, Paris, 1843, vol. i., p. 381. For theological views of science in middle ages, and rejoicing thereat, see Pouchet, Hist. des Sci. Nat. au Moyen Age, ubi supra. Pouchet says: "En général au milieu du moyen âge les sciences sont essentiellement chrétiennes, leur but est tout-à-fait religieux, et elles semblent beaucoup moins s'inquiéter de l'avancement intellectuel de l'homme que de son salut eternel." Pouchet calls this "conciliation" into a "harmonieux ensemble" "la plus glorieuse des conquêtes intellectuelles du moyen âge." Pouchet belongs to Rouen, and the shadow of the Rouen Cathedral seems thrown over all his history. See, also, L'Abbé Rohrbacher, Hist. de l'Église Catholique, Paris, 1858, vol. xviii., pp. 421, et seq. The abbé dilates upon the fact that "the Church organizes the agreement of all the sciences by the labors of St. Thomas of Aquin and his contemporaries." For the theological character of science in middle ages, recognized by a Protestant philosophic historian, see the well-known passage in Guizot, History of Civilization in Europe; and by a noted Protestant ecclesiastic, see Bishop Hampden's Life of Thomas Aquinas, chaps. xxxvi., xxxvii. See, also, Hallam, Middle Ages, chap. ix. For dealings of Pope John XXII., and kings of France and England, and republic of Venice, see Figuier, L'Alchimie et les Alchimistes, pp. 140, 141, where, in a note, the text of the bull Spondent Pariter is given.

91

The Novum Organon, translated by the Rev. G. W. Kitchin, Oxford, 1855, chap. lxv.

92

Novum Organon, chap. lxxxix.

93

Novum Organon, chap. xciii.

94

Bacon, The Advancement of Learning, edited by W. Aldis Wright, London, 1873, pp. 47, 48.

95

For a very contemptuous statement of Lord Bacon's claim to his position as a philosopher, see Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, Leipsic, 1874, vol. i., p. 219. For a more just statement, see Brewster, Life of Sir Isaac Newton. See, also, Jevons, Principles of Science, London, 1874, vol. ii., p. 298.

96

Kopp, in his Ansichten, pushes criticism even to some skepticism as to Roger Bacon being the discoverer of many of the things generally attributed to him; but, after all deductions are carefully made, enough remains to make Bacon the greatest benefactor to humanity during the middle ages.

97

For an account of Bacon's treatise, De Nullitate Magiæ, see Hoefer.

98

Kopp, Geschichte der Chemie, Braunschweig, 1843, vol. i., p. 63; and for a somewhat reactionary discussion of Bacon's relation to the progress of chemistry, see a recent work by the same author, Ansichten über die Aufgabe der Chemie, Braunschweig, 1874, pp. 85, et seq. Also, for an excellent summary, see Hoefer, Hist. de la Chimie, vol. i., pp. 368, et seq. For summaries of his work in other fields, see Whewell, vol. i., pp. 367, 368. Draper, p. 438. Saisset, Descartes et ses Précurseurs, deuxième édition, pp. 397, et seq. Nourrisson, Progrès de la pensée humaine, pp. 271, 272. Sprengel, Histoire de la Médecine, Paris, 1865, vol. ii., p. 397. Cuvier, Histoire des Sciences Naturelles, vol. i., p. 417. As to Bacon's orthodoxy, see Saisset, pp. 53, 55. For special examination of causes of Bacon's condemnation, see Waddington, cited by Saisset, p. 14. On Bacon as a sorcerer, see Featherstonaugh's article in North American Review. For a good example of the danger of denying full power of Satan, even in much more recent times, and in a Protestant country, see account of treatment of Bekker's Monde Enchanté by the theologians of Holland, in Nisard, Histoire des Livres Populaires, vol. i., pp. 172, 173.

99

Henri Martin, Hist. de France, vol. iv., p. 283.

100

On Bacon as a "Mahometan," see Saisset, p. 17.

101

For proofs that the world is steadily working toward great discoveries as to the cause and prevention of zymotic diseases and of their propagation, see Beale's Disease Germs, Baldwin Latham's Sanitary Engineering, Michel Lévy, Traité d'Hygiène Publique et Privée, Paris, 1869. And for very thorough summaries, see President Barnard's paper read before Sanitary Congress in New York, 1874, and Dr. J. C. Dalton's Anniversary Discourse on the Origin and Propagation of Disease, New York, 1874.

102

Antonio de Dominis, see Montucla, Hist. des Mathématiques, vol. i., p. 705. Humboldt, Cosmos. Libri, vol. iv., pp. 145, et seq.

103

For Porta, see Hoefer, Hist. de la Chemie, vol. ii., pp. 102-106. Also, Kopp. Also, Sprengel, Hist. de la Médecine, iii., p. 239. Also, Musset-Parthay.

104

Henri Martin, Histoire de France, vol. xii., pp. 14, 15.

105

Napier, Florentine History, vol. v., p. 485. Tiraboschi, Storia della Literatura. Henri Martin, Histoire de France. Jevons Principles of Science, vol. ii., pp. 36-40. For value attached to Borelli's investigations by Newton and Huyghens, see Brewster's Life of Sir Isaac Newton, London, 1875, pp. 128, 129. Libri, in his Essai sur Galilée, p. 37, says that Oliva was summoned to Rome, and so tortured by the Inquisition that, to escape further cruelty, he ended his life by throwing himself from a window.

106

For this syllogism, see Figuier, L'Alchimie et les Alchimistes, pp. 106, 107. For careful appreciation of Becher's position in the history of chemistry, see Kopp, Ansichten über die Aufgabe der Chemie, etc., von Geber bis Stahl, Braunschweig, 1875, pp. 201, et seq.

107

For Tertullian's views, see the De Anima, chap. x. For views of St. Augustine, see the De Civ. Dei, book xxii., chap. 24.

108

For Boniface VIII. and his interdiction of dissections, see Buckle's Posthumous Works, vol. ii., p. 567. For injurious effects of this ecclesiastical hostility to anatomy upon the development of art, see Woltman, Holbein and His Time, pp. 266, 267. For an excellent statement of the true relation of the medical profession to religious questions, see Prof. Acland, General Relations of Medicine in Modern Times, Oxford, 1868. For thoughtful and witty remarks on the struggle at a recent period, see Maury, L'Ancienne Académie des Sciences, Paris, 1864, p. 148. Maury says: "La faculté n'aimait pas à avoir affaire aux théologiens qui procèdent par anathèmes beaucoup plus que par analyses."