скачать книгу бесплатно
In late February 1943, after roughly three months in prison, the British pilots with La Rochefoucauld heard that a man from His Majesty’s Government (#litres_trial_promo) awaited them in the visitors’ room. The three inmates smiled. Quickly, the British men gathered themselves and made for their meeting, with Robert calling after them, Don’t forget me, and begging them to mention that he wanted to meet de Gaulle and join the Free French. A short while later, the pilots returned to the cell, smirking, and Robert soon found out why.
He was called to meet with the British representative. This was likely a military attaché, Major Haslam (#litres_trial_promo), who made frequent trips to the camp in 1943. Once La Rochefoucauld reached the visitors’ room, the Brit profusely thanked him “for all you’ve done (#litres_trial_promo) to help my countrymen.” Robert was dumbfounded: What had he done? He’d served as the pilots’ interpreter, little more. But the representative went on and Robert figured the pilots had “grossly embellished (#litres_trial_promo) my role.” He tried to set the man straight, explaining that though he was happy to know the pilots, and even befriend them, his passage through Spain had no purpose other than getting to de Gaulle and joining the Free French.
The Brit stared at him, not upset that he had been misled, but seemingly working something out in his mind. At last, he said he would do his best to grant La Rochefoucauld’s wish. “I thanked him with all my heart,” La Rochefoucauld wrote, “and once back in the cell, fell into the arms of the pilots.” A few days later, he got on a truck with the airmen and departed for Madrid and the British embassy.
They arrived at night, the Spanish capital so brilliantly lit it shocked them; it had been months since they’d seen such iridescence. At the embassy they ate a “top-notch dinner,” La Rochefoucauld wrote, “then we were brought to our rooms, the dimensions and comfort of which seemed incredible.” An embassy staffer told them they would meet with Ambassador Hoare himself in the morning.
After a proper English breakfast, each man had his meeting. Hoare was aging and short (#litres_trial_promo), with the look of upper-class British severity about him: his gray hair trimmed and parted crisply to the right, his dress fastidious, and his manners formal. Hoare was ambitious and competitive (#litres_trial_promo); his taut frame reflected the tournament-level tennis he still played. He had been part of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s cabinet (#litres_trial_promo), the secretary of the Home Office, and one of the key advisors to Chamberlain when he appeased Hitler in the Munich Agreement in 1938. Churchill dismissed Hoare when he became prime minister in 1940, offering Hoare the ambassadorship in Madrid that many in London saw as the old man’s proper banishment. Hoare seemed to wear this rejection (#litres_trial_promo) in his delicate facial features and his searching, almost wounded eyes. Still, his mission in Madrid had been to keep the pro-German Franco out of the war, and he had done his job with aplomb (#litres_trial_promo). Spain remained neutral, even after the Allies’ North African landings in November 1942, and Franco continued to allow the release of British troops and Resistance fighters from Miranda.
Because of his ease with the French language (#litres_trial_promo), Hoare had been the man in Chamberlain’s cabinet to sit next to French Prime Minister Léon Blum at a state luncheon, the two talking literature, and now in Madrid he opened the conversation with La Rochefoucauld in similarly “perfect French (#litres_trial_promo),” the fledgling résistant later wrote. “He was indeed aware of my plans to join up with the Free French forces in London but, without rushing, without ever opposing my determination, he revealed to me a sort of counter project.” During the First World War, Hoare had headed the British Secret Intelligence Service in Petrograd, Russia—he may have even originated a plot to kill Rasputin (#litres_trial_promo)—and still relished the dark arts of espionage. What would you say, Hoare asked Robert, to enlisting in a branch of the British special services that carried out missions in France?
La Rochefoucauld wasn’t sure what that implied, and so Hoare continued, revealing his proposition slowly.
“The British agents have competence and courage that are beyond reproach (#litres_trial_promo),” Hoare said. But their French, even if passable, was heavily accented. German agents found them out. So Great Britain had formed a new secret service, the likes of which the world had never before seen, training foreign nationals in London and then parachuting them back into their home countries where they fought the Nazis with—well, Hoare stressed that he could not disclose too much. But if the Frenchman agreed to join this new secret service, and if he passed its very demanding training procedures, all would be revealed.
The mystery intrigued Robert. It also tore at him. He had listened to de Gaulle for close to two years and lived by the general’s defiant statements to battle on. It had seemed at times that only de Gaulle spoke sanely about France and its future. But though he’d wished to be a soldier in the general’s army, what Robert really wanted, now that he thought about it, was simply to fight the Nazis. If the British could train and arm him as well if not better than de Gaulle—if the Brits had the staff and the money and the weapons—why not join the British? If Robert wanted to liberate France, did it really matter in whose name he did it?
Hoare could see the young man considering his options and asked, “How old are you?”
“Twenty-one,” La Rochefoucauld answered, which was not only a lie—he was nineteen—but revealed which way he was leaning. He wanted Hoare to think he was older and more experienced.
At last, Robert said he was honored by the offer, and he might like to join the new British agency. He wanted, however, when he arrived in London, to first ask de Gaulle what he thought. It was a presumptuous request, but Hoare nonetheless said such a thing could be arranged.
The next week, La Rochefoucauld flew to England.
CHAPTER 5 (#ub73d4e94-6ac9-5940-b968-e053d0fbfebe)
When he landed, military police shuttled him to southwest London, to an ornately Gothic building at Fitzhugh Grove euphemistically known as the London Reception Center (#litres_trial_promo), whose real name, the Royal Victoria Patriotic Building, still didn’t describe what actually happened there: namely, the harsh interrogation of incoming foreign nationals by MI6 officers. The hope was to flush out German spies (#litres_trial_promo) who, once identified, were either quarantined in windowless concrete cells or flipped into double agents—sending them back into the field with a supposed allegiance to the Nazis but a true fealty to Great Britain.
La Rochefoucauld’s interrogation opened with him giving the Brits a fake name—which may very well be why Robert Jean Renaud appeared in the Royal Victoria Patriotic files in March 1943 (#litres_trial_promo). He also said he was twenty-one. He would come to regret these statements as the interrogation stretched from one day to two (#litres_trial_promo), and then beyond. Though he eventually admitted to the officers his real identity, that only prolonged the questioning, because now the agents wanted to know why he had lied in the first place. And the answer seemed to be: because he was a nineteen-year-old who still acted like a boy, creating mischief amid authority figures. In some sense, deceiving the British was the same as climbing a lycée’s homeroom curtains. It was a fun thing to do.
The British officers in the Patriotic Building would later claim they didn’t rely on torture but used numerous “techniques” to get people to talk: forcing them to stand for hours and recount in mind-numbing detail how they had arrived or to sit in a painfully hardbacked chair and do the same; or filling up refugees with English tea and forbidding them to leave, seeing if their stories changed as their bladders cried for relief; or questioning applicants from sunup to sundown, or from sundown to sunup; or tag-teaming a refugee and playing good cop, bad cop (#litres_trial_promo). Robert remembered emerging from marathon sessions and talking to the “twenty or so fugitives there, in a situation similar to mine, who had come from various European countries.” The people he saw were some of the thirty thousand or so who ultimately filtered through the Patriotic Building during the war: men and women who in other lands were politicians or military personnel or just flat-out adventurers, washing ashore in England (#litres_trial_promo), sleeping in barracks, and awaiting their next interrogation slumped over on small benches, remnants of the building’s former life as a school for orphans (#litres_trial_promo).
La Rochefoucauld was there for eight days (#litres_trial_promo). In the end, an interrogating officer who spoke French knew of Robert’s family and its lineage, and soon he and the officer were chatting about the La Rochefoucaulds like old friends (#litres_trial_promo). Because the British espionage services brimmed with upper-class Englishmen, the spies identified with a Frenchman from the “right” sort of family, and it soon became evident that this nobleman was not a German agent. Robert was free to go.
A man waited for him as he left the grounds. He had a boy’s way (#litres_trial_promo) of smiling, turning up his lips without revealing his teeth, an attempt to give his slender build a tough veneer. His name was Eric Piquet-Wicks, and he helped oversee a branch of the new secret service that Ambassador Hoare had mentioned to La Rochefoucauld. His features had an almost ethereal fineness to them, but his personality was much hardier, all seafaring wanderlust (#litres_trial_promo). He was aging gracefully, the thin creases around his eyes and cheeks granting him the gravitas his smile did not. He wore a suit well (#litres_trial_promo).
Piquet-Wicks and La Rochefoucauld walked around the neighborhood, Robert taking in the spring air, free of the paranoid thoughts (#litres_trial_promo) of the last months, while Piquet-Wicks discussed his own life and how Robert might be able to help him.
Piquet-Wicks’s mother (#litres_trial_promo) was French. The name that many Brits pronounced Pick-it Wicks was in fact Pi-kay Wicks, after his mother, Alice Mercier-Piquet, of the port city of Calais. He was born in Colchester and split his formative education between England and France, earning his college degree, in Spanish, at a university in Barcelona and making him trilingual when he graduated in the middle of the 1930s. He found work, of all places, in the Philippines, on the island of Cebù, where he became the French consular agent. From there he moved to the Paris office of a multinational firm called Borax (#litres_trial_promo), which extracted mineral deposits from sites around the world. In Paris, Piquet-Wicks was the managing director of Borax Français, but he longed to be a spy.
After Britain declared war on Germany, Piquet-Wicks received a commission with the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers, an infantry regiment. He was stationed in Northern Ireland and woefully bored. He seems to have approached MI5, Britain’s security service, which oversaw domestic threats, to inquire about how he could best serve the agency, because it had a report (#litres_trial_promo) on him. The agency described him as an “adventurer” who had once used his military permit at the Alexandra Hotel in Hyde Park as the means to gain whiskey; he’d told the barman it wouldn’t be long before he worked for MI5. The report also said that before the war Piquet-Wicks had had pro-Nazi leanings, but that wasn’t the reason the agency stayed away from hiring him. “We considered him unsuitable for employment on Intelligence duties, in view of his indiscreet behavior (#litres_trial_promo),” the report stated.
MI6, the famed spy agency, then began asking about Piquet-Wicks in July 1940, the idea being that he was an intelligent if unstable man whose dexterity with languages—he also knew some Portuguese and Italian—might still benefit Britain. But again a concern over indiscretion surfaced, and MI6 kept its distance, with one agent even saying Piquet-Wicks didn’t have “enough guts to be an adventurer (#litres_trial_promo).”
He may have stayed in Northern Ireland, living in a former brewery where “it was difficult to feel embarked in a war of … consequence (#litres_trial_promo),” he later wrote, were it not for a new security service that was in need of qualified agents.
Piquet-Wicks’s new life began one day in April 1941 at 3 a.m., pulling night duty in Belfast as a punishment for marching too far ahead of his company in drills. The phone rang. He didn’t think to answer it, but the ringing wouldn’t stop and so he picked up.
“Have you a Second Lieutenant Piquet-Wicks?” a man said. Piquet-Wicks thought this had to be someone in the mess pulling his leg.
“I am the poor bastard,” he said.
The shocked splutterings on the other end made Piquet-Wicks realize this was someone official. Startled, he hung up.
The phone rang again.
“Inniskilling,” Piquet-Wicks said, trying another tactic.
“Have you a Second Lieutenant Piquet-Wicks with the battalion?” the same voice said, but angrier.
“Yes, sir.”
“Where is he? A few minutes ago I had someone on this line. I thought—”
Piquet-Wicks broke in, saying this was the night duty officer speaking. “The officer you are calling is undoubtedly asleep,” he said. “Shall I wake him for you, sir?”
“Of course not, at this hour,” said the caller, who was a colonel from the Northern Ireland district. “Take note that he should report to the War Office … at 1500 hours on Friday the fourth.”
The War Office was in London, and the fourth was the next day.
In the morning, Piquet-Wicks went to his superior, to see what to make of the message. “I’m afraid you won’t be able to continue your disciplinary training as night duty officer,” the superior said, his eyes twinkling. “However, good luck and good-bye.”
If Piquet-Wicks were to make it to London, he would have to catch the next boat, which departed before he could properly gather all his things, or comprehend why he needed to rush to the capital.
When he arrived at the given room inside the War Office, he met with a general, who said the British were establishing a new department—unlike MI5 and MI6, and unlike anything seen before. “I was to be seconded to a secret organization,” Piquet-Wicks later wrote, “to become involved in events whose existence I had never suspected.”
On his walk now with La Rochefoucauld, almost two years later, Piquet-Wicks implied he would like Robert to work (#litres_trial_promo) under him, as an agent in his branch of this secret organization, which he had built up almost single-handedly. More details and the particulars of missions would be disclosed if and when La Rochefoucauld made it through training.
“Here is my address,” Piquet-Wicks said.
He was “surprisingly close to each (#litres_trial_promo) prospective agent,” he later admitted, and La Rochefoucauld sensed the humanity behind the spy’s implacable eyes. Like virtually every French agent whose life was to be guided and ultimately transformed by Eric Piquet-Wicks, Robert liked the man with the goofy smile (#litres_trial_promo) immensely. So he thought it best to level with him. He said he had to seek out de Gaulle and ask the general’s advice on joining a British agency out to save France.
Robert didn’t know how closely Piquet-Wicks worked with the Free French forces. He was taken aback when Piquet-Wicks not only agreed to the sensibility of the meeting but offered him directions to Carlton Gardens, de Gaulle’s headquarters in London.
“If you get to meet him (#litres_trial_promo),” Piquet-Wicks said, “ask him what you need to ask him, then come meet me.” The display of camaraderie eased La Rochefoucauld’s mind and pushed him ever closer to joining the British.
No. 4 Carlton Gardens (#litres_trial_promo) sat amid two blocks of impeccable terraced apartments, their white-stone façades overlooking St. James Park, the oldest of London’s eight Royal Parks. Built on the order of King George IV in the early 1800s and designed by architect John Nash (#litres_trial_promo), the rows of four-story buildings collectively called Carlton House Terrace had been home to many a proper Londoner (#litres_trial_promo) over the years—earls and lords and even Louis-Napoléon in 1839. The German embassy occupied 7–9 Carlton Gardens (#litres_trial_promo) until the outbreak of World War II. In 1941, during an air raid, a bomb fell on No. 2 Carlton House Terrace (#litres_trial_promo), leaving its roof open and exposed for the rest of the fighting. No. 4 Carlton Gardens housed de Gaulle’s Free French forces, and one didn’t need to look for the address to know who worked there. A French soldier (#litres_trial_promo) in full military fatigues, rifle at his side and a helmet on his head, stood guard outside the entrance, itself marked by the Cross of Lorraine, which the Knights Templar had once carried during the Crusades but which was now the symbol of the Free French movement.
Robert kept his appointment, arranged by the Brits, with an aide of de Gaulle’s. La Rochefoucauld mentioned his family name, “which may have possibly facilitated things (#litres_trial_promo),” he wrote, and because de Gaulle’s daily schedule allowed for fugitive Frenchmen who wanted to see him, Robert was told he would meet with the general that afternoon. He gulped.
The interior was all dark wood and high Gothic ceilings (#litres_trial_promo)—an airy space with lots of natural light but poor insulation. In the winter, the Free French, across four floors, each nearly three thousand square feet, shivered in their huge rooms.
When the hour came, the secretary asked La Rochefoucauld if he was ready, and they climbed an ornate stairwell to a landing where doors led first to the offices of De Gaulle’s aide-de-camp, and then past those to the general’s own quarters. La Rochefoucauld’s heart thrummed in his chest (#litres_trial_promo).
Then the door opened and there he was. The man whose voice over the last few years Robert had heard scores of times, The soul of Free France, La Rochefoucauld thought. He sat behind his desk, peering over his glasses, with a look that asked, Now what might this onewant? His presence filled the room (#litres_trial_promo). Everyone in London called him Le Grand Charles, due only in part to his towering height. Robert took in the office, uncluttered and organized, befitting a general, with a map of the world (#litres_trial_promo) pinned to the wall behind de Gaulle and one of France hanging to his right. Out of his large French windows, the general had a view of St. James Park.
He rose to greet La Rochefoucauld, unbending his immense frame and straightening to his full six feet five inches, a half-foot taller than the nineteen-year-old. He had an odd body, “a head like a pineapple (#litres_trial_promo) and hips like a woman’s,” as Alexander Cadogan, Britain’s permanent under-secretary at the Foreign Office, once put it. His trimmed half mustache, a hairy square on his upper lip, was not a good look for a man with such a long face. The severed patch of facial hair only drew attention to his high forehead, and rather than shave the mustache, de Gaulle had taken to wearing military caps in many photographs and official portraits. He was aware of his ungainliness. “We people are never quite at ease (#litres_trial_promo),” he once told a colleague. “I mean—giants. The chairs are always too small, the tables too low, the impression one makes too strong.” Perhaps because of this, the general had welcomed solitude in London, taken on few friends, and worked in Carlton Gardens most days from 9 a.m. until evening (#litres_trial_promo), which allowed him to see people like La Rochefoucauld but returned him home only in time to talk with his wife and perhaps kiss his two daughters good night.
Visitors did not mistake his remoteness for timidity though. He came from a bourgeois family and his Jesuit education and elite military training at Saint-Cyr had instilled in him a kind of moral absolutism (#litres_trial_promo). Because he alone had cried out to continue the fight among his military brethren, because he alone had established an exile government of sorts in London, he alone spoke for the true France, he felt, and he alone could return it to grandeur.
“You are not France (#litres_trial_promo),” Churchill had once barked at him during a wartime negotiation. “I do not recognize you as France.”
To which the general replied: “Why are you [negotiating] with me if I am not France?”
Indeed, part of the reason no one else could claim to speak for France was because no one else had the bully pulpit of the BBC (#litres_trial_promo). By 1943 his name had become a political position, Gaullism, in the same way that his former mentor, Pétain, now stood for collaboration (Pétainism). And where he had once bluffed about his prowess—his initial Council of Defense (#litres_trial_promo) consisted of himself and one other man—by 1943 the Free French fought alongside Allied troops throughout the world, and acolytes like La Rochefoucauld fled France almost daily to meet de Gaulle.
Still, he had a habit of treating impressionable Resistance fighters with such incuriosity or outright derision that they came away heartbroken. One described his rudeness as being like that of an “authoritarian prelate (#litres_trial_promo).” Another man, a courageous Resistance leader, said upon leaving a meeting with the general: “I have … witnessed ingratitude in my life, but never on this scale (#litres_trial_promo).” Walking now across the room and shaking La Rochefoucauld’s hand, de Gaulle’s greeting was characteristically “simple” but also “cordial (#litres_trial_promo),” La Rochefoucauld would later write, proving what Alain Peyrefette, a spokesman, once said of his boss: “To each his own de Gaulle (#litres_trial_promo). He was different with each new person he met.”
La Rochefoucauld explained how he’d gotten to London, and “de Gaulle first complimented me (#litres_trial_promo) on wanting to join the Free French forces,” Robert wrote. La Rochefoucauld then said that the British had intervened and asked him to join its clandestine service; he wasn’t yet clear on the details, but that’s why he had come to see de Gaulle. He had only wanted to work under the general, but now he wondered: Should he join this secret British organization?
De Gaulle had a complicated and contentious relationship with the Brits. He demanded autonomy and yet relied on Britain financially to train and equip his troops. He needed to be diplomatic with London to achieve his ends but, to appeal to Frenchmen as the true voice of France, needed to undercut his diplomacy, too. “He had to be rude to the British to prove to French eyes (#litres_trial_promo) that he was not a British puppet,” Churchill wrote. “He certainly carried out this policy with perseverance.” Churchill loved and loathed him. The romantic in Churchill saw a rebel and great adventurer in de Gaulle, “the man of destiny (#litres_trial_promo).” But the general’s incorrigible rudeness and unending demands on behalf of a sovereign nation that was, in truth, occupied by the Nazis, drove Churchill mad. Over the course of the war the prime minister went from wondering if de Gaulle had “gone off his head (#litres_trial_promo),” to calling him a “monster (#litres_trial_promo),” to saying he should be kept “in chains (#litres_trial_promo).” Franklin Roosevelt didn’t like him any better. The United States president gave de Gaulle all of three hours’ notice (#litres_trial_promo) before the Allies’ massive 1942 landings in French-controlled Algeria and Morocco.
De Gaulle didn’t get along well with the British intelligence services, either. His Free French staff initially believed Piquet-Wicks and other Brits were poaching would-be French agents. Some Free French staffers thought of the British as a “rival organization (#litres_trial_promo),” Piquet-Wicks wrote. But in time certain spies in London saw the benefit of working with de Gaulle—nearly every Frenchman who came to the city wanted to meet him—and so Piquet-Wicks’s division began sharing information, and then missions, with the intelligence bureau of the Free French. Loyalties blurred (#litres_trial_promo), and many secret agents Piquet-Wicks oversaw considered themselves to be working first for de Gaulle, and the operatives’ success in France drew more people to London, which in turn strengthened the general, militarily as well as politically.
Now, weighing La Rochefoucauld’s question of joining the British, de Gaulle peered again at the young man, until he reached a conclusion that Robert would remember for the rest of his life: “It’s still for France,” de Gaulle said, “even if it’s allied with the Devil (#litres_trial_promo). Go!”
CHAPTER 6 (#ulink_c22e0ba6-ade1-5512-abe6-38236eeb7182)
The idea had come in the spring of 1938 (#litres_trial_promo). Hitler had annexed his native Austria and was now eying other countries, and a few people in the British government began to consider something called “clandestine warfare” to combat the threat. The government secretly established three authorities. The first, overseen by the Foreign Office and ultimately called the Political Warfare Executive (#litres_trial_promo), developed propaganda to influence German opinion. The second, an outgrowth of MI6 called Section D (#litres_trial_promo), considered German targets vulnerable to sabotage and the sort of people who might do the work. The third was little more in the beginning than two officers and a typist, but it became MI(R) (#litres_trial_promo), which studied how guerrilla fighting—light equipment, evasive tactics, high mobility—might shape future wars.
Section D worked on time fuses for explosives and helped convince senior civil servants that there really should be a secret agency dealing in sabotage overseas. This was a concept “until that time unheard-of (#litres_trial_promo),” as one author noted. MI(R) helped form an understanding of what it would mean to train foreign soldiers in guerrilla tactics. This was equally novel and just as fascinating (#litres_trial_promo), because a superpower like Britain had historically defended itself against such threats.
For as long as there had been war (#litres_trial_promo), in fact, there had been guerrilla warfare. The Jews in the bushes above the narrow mountain paths outside Beth Horon had “covered the Roman army with their darts” in AD 66, in the words of the historian Josephus, forcing the empire to retreat from its advance to the Mediterranean coast. The “fast moving and light armed” natives of northwestern Greece had destroyed the armored Athenians. The Spanish resistance of the Peninsular War (1807–14)—from which the modern-day term guerrilla derives—repelled Napoléon’s army. The British lost first to a Revolutionary American militia composed in part of farmers who blended into the population, then to Pashtun tribes whose “pin-pricking hit-and-run tactics” didn’t really cease until India’s independence, and nearly lost to the elusive Boers in South Africa at the turn of the twentieth century.
Asymmetrical fighting was in fact so well established that the first counterinsurgency manual emerged in 600 AD (#litres_trial_promo), while the most famous guerrilla tract was T. E. Lawrence’s (#litres_trial_promo)The Seven Pillars of Wisdom, the book based on his experiences in World War I helping disparate bands of Bedouin tribesman push the mighty Turks out of Arabia. But by the outset of World War II, even though Lawrence’s colleagues had survived, the agencies that had supported them had not. So, in May of 1940, with the situation in France worsening, the British chiefs of staff looked to the fledgling Section D and MI(R), and recommended to the war cabinet a new and “special organization” that could create “widespread revolt in [Germany’s] conquered territories (#litres_trial_promo).”
By July 2, with the armistice in France signed and Britain standing alone against a continent of Nazis, Minister of Economic Warfare Hugh Dalton wrote a letter (#litres_trial_promo) to Britain’s foreign secretary, Lord Halifax, continuing the theme of the earlier recommendation:
We have got to organize movements in enemy-occupied territory … This “democratic international” must use many different methods, including industrial and military sabotage, labour agitation and strikes, continuous propaganda, terrorist acts against traitors and German leaders, boycotts and riots … What is needed is a new organization to coordinate, inspire, control and assist the nationals of the oppressed countries who must themselves be the direct participants. We need absolute secrecy, a certain fanatical enthusiasm, willingness to work with people of different nationalities, complete political reliability … The organization should, in my view, be entirely independent of the War Office machine.
For two weeks the cabinet debated this secret organization. At last the outgoing prime minister, Neville Chamberlain, who had appeased Hitler in 1938 by giving him Czechoslovakia without a fight, signed a “most secret paper (#litres_trial_promo),” one of the last of his life, and one that would have begun to redeem his reputation had anyone known of it. Chamberlain said that, on the authority of the prime minister, “a new organization shall be established forthwith to coordinate all action, by way of subversion and sabotage, against the enemy overseas … This organization will be known as Special Operations Executive.”
The document became SOE’s founding charter (#litres_trial_promo), and its passages—explicitly stated or implied—charged the agency with many responsibilities. First, SOE would train the foreign nationals flooding England’s shores in accepted and many unaccepted styles of war, and then parachute these fighters back to their occupied countries, where they would assassinate high-ranking Germans, sabotage the factories that made Nazi weaponry and the trains that transported it, and recruit other like-minded natives to the cause of liberation. Furthermore, inside enemy lines, SOE would drop tons of firearms, ammunition, explosives, and money near the camps of known Resistance groups, so that they might continue their anarchic efforts and draw out the men and women who wanted to fight but by dint of circumstance couldn’t get to London.
Really, the world had seen nothing like SOE (#litres_trial_promo). Yes, guerrilla warfare had been around for millennia, but it had been exercised locally, by small and often subjected bands of people, not administered by a foreign superpower that first trained and equipped and then sent back the rebel fighters who might free their countries from Nazi subjugation. For that reason alone, SOE was remarkable. But the agency had even greater ambitions, and here it’s important to return to T. E. Lawrence. While Lawrence served as SOE’s spiritual father, his actions in the Arabian desert in 1917 and ’18 were often of his own devising (#litres_trial_promo)
Вы ознакомились с фрагментом книги.
Для бесплатного чтения открыта только часть текста.
Приобретайте полный текст книги у нашего партнера:
